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Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena

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CATHERINE SPIESER<br />

the unemployed mentioned the unemployment<br />

benefit as their main source of economic<br />

support. 50% relied primarily on partner or<br />

family support and only 5% on social assistance<br />

(ISSP 1997).<br />

2.2. Measures facilitating labour market exit<br />

while bypassing the unemployment status<br />

Neither the worsening economic situation of<br />

the unemployed nor the reforms restricting<br />

the unemployment benefit triggered specific<br />

collective mobilization in Poland. These issues<br />

were not among the priorities on the agenda of<br />

trade unions, except in a few specific instances.<br />

Things differed when a large number of workers<br />

with a strong tradition of mobilization faced a<br />

deterioration of their work situation. In effect,<br />

‘the political threat posed by unemployment’<br />

(Baxandall 2003: 253) was primarily in the<br />

discontent of politically influential workers<br />

still in employment who risked losing their<br />

jobs. There were two major instances: the<br />

process of restructuring of strategic sectors in<br />

which workers had enjoyed a privileged status<br />

and workers with a long career behind them<br />

and no future in the new market society were<br />

concerned. In view of avoiding social conflict,<br />

these categories of people were often granted<br />

special compensation that not only bypassed but<br />

also undermined the standard unemployment<br />

benefit.<br />

This resulted in a segmentation of policies<br />

addressing unemployment: the jobless were not<br />

covered by one universal scheme, but split among<br />

a variety of compensation or social security<br />

mechanisms, which some saw as a deliberate<br />

government strategy to ‘divide and pacify’<br />

groups opposing market reforms (Vanhuysse<br />

2006). Without going that far, these policy<br />

choices clearly gave more favourable conditions<br />

to the groups that had the greatest capacity to<br />

mobilize against economic transformations,<br />

workers with a long career under the previous<br />

regime who had no future in the capitalist<br />

economy, and workers in strongly unionized<br />

sectors such as heavy industry and mining.<br />

Aside these particularistic schemes, the<br />

universal unemployment benefit set up as early<br />

as 1990 quickly became marginal as a result<br />

of successive reforms. The unemployed, hardly<br />

identifiable as a social group, neither developed<br />

a collective consciousness nor uniform<br />

interests in the face of welfare reforms; the few<br />

instances of mobilisation concerned primarily<br />

the conditions of collective dismissals and early<br />

retirement for workers in specific industrial<br />

sectors.<br />

Collective dismissals and severance payments<br />

Trade unions, which gathered the workers<br />

facing the threat of becoming unemployed,<br />

were potentially the strongest organized<br />

opposition group and retained a significant<br />

mobilization capacity in sectors like steel or<br />

mining 12 . In a few cases of large company<br />

or sector restructuring, the conditions of<br />

unemployment, or more precisely, the conditions<br />

of dismissal led to intense negotiations. The<br />

Act on Dismissals of 1989 set the rules of large<br />

workforce reductions and measures<br />

to protect affected employees and<br />

imposed some obligations on the page 133<br />

employer (notification of the trade<br />

unions in advance; stating the reasons<br />

for redundancies and the number of people<br />

concerned; informing the local employment<br />

office; and developing a program for retraining

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