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Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena

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MARTIN SEMENOVA MENDELSKI<br />

in the West. Developed economies, which<br />

have already reached a certain level of stable<br />

and settled market economy, possess a more<br />

developed and settled form of capitalism<br />

than post-communist economies, which are<br />

still building their economic and institutional<br />

systems. Given the different stages of<br />

development between the developed West<br />

and the lagging East, it is not surprising that<br />

there is a different organizational logic in postcommunist<br />

countries. This special logic in postcommunist<br />

countries is driven by institutional<br />

and economic catch-up strategies in still young<br />

and evolving capitalist systems. Nevertheless,<br />

the degree of capitalism ripeness differs even<br />

among post-communist countries. On the one<br />

hand, very advanced frontrunners (Estonia,<br />

Slovenia) have already established clear and<br />

settled institutional structures and are classified<br />

in the Hall/Soskice framework as either LME’s<br />

or CME’s. On the other hand, laggards from<br />

South-Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the<br />

Caucasus are still constructing and improving<br />

their institutional system. Under such transitory<br />

conditions, their still unsettled institutional<br />

system does not allow for a classification in<br />

Hall/Soskice’s framework. However, even the<br />

situation of stable but mixed type of capitalism<br />

in the Visegrad States makes categorization<br />

difficult and would imply a need for additional<br />

criteria describing capitalist variety.<br />

A fourth method to classify capitalist systems<br />

is according to their origin. Basically, two<br />

forms are possible, internally or externally<br />

driven capitalism. Internally driven capitalism<br />

indicates a domestic and gradual development<br />

of capitalist institutions over time. Successful<br />

Western capitalist systems were developed<br />

internally (e.g. in USA, Great Britain, Prussia)<br />

and formal institutions could be adjusted to<br />

local conditions. In contrast, externally induced<br />

capitalism stands for imported capitalist<br />

institutions from abroad. Such institutional<br />

transfers based on Western models occurred in<br />

CEE after the end of Habsburg domination at<br />

the turn of the 19 th century and again after the<br />

end of communism in the 1990s. Institutional<br />

development in the CEECs has been based on<br />

the imitation of technological or organizational<br />

leaders from the West, characterized by<br />

institutional or economic catch-up strategies<br />

and institutional recombination (Stark 1996)<br />

leading to an institutional patch-work system.<br />

According to the VoC literature, such mixed<br />

systems should not be very successful (Hall/<br />

Soskice 2001; Cernat 2006).<br />

Which criterion matters most to explain postcommunist<br />

capitalist diversity? Is it possible to<br />

apply Hall/Soskice’s VoC framework to postcommunist<br />

economies? Before trying to answer<br />

these questions myself, I would like to give an<br />

overview of what other scholars have written<br />

so far. Literature related to the application<br />

of VoC in post-communist countries can be<br />

divided into four kinds of analyses: single<br />

country case studies, comparative case studies,<br />

static comparative analysis and dynamic<br />

comparative analysis.<br />

Single country case studies focus on institutional<br />

development in a single country<br />

(see Charman 2007; Christophe<br />

2007; Myant 2007; Hanson/Teague; Seite Page page 11<br />

Korosteleva 2007). While this<br />

frequent approach, conducted as a<br />

qualitative case study, is able to reveal complex<br />

agency-structure relationships over time, it<br />

does not allow one to identify the sources

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