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Introduction - SEAsite - Northern Illinois University

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Prentation Abstracts<br />

Sianong Phomkong<br />

Foreign direct investment in Lao PDR: Promotion Strategies<br />

Former Deputy Director of Investment Promotion Division, Department for Promotion<br />

and Management of Domestic and Foreign Investment, State Planning<br />

Committee, Lao PDR<br />

Historical Context<br />

Since the Lao People’s Democratic Republic was established on December<br />

2, 1975, the Lao government has been taking various actions aiming to develop<br />

the country. These actions culminated when the government launched the New<br />

Economic Mechanism (NEM) in 1986, moving from a centrally planned economy<br />

to a market-oriented economy. A large number of state-owned enterprises became<br />

privatized.<br />

Implementing the NEM, the Lao government recognizes that foreign direct<br />

investment (FDI) - with its capital, technology, and expertise - can play a crucial<br />

role in the country’s economic development. To attract more FDI, however, the<br />

government tends to emphasize only the liberalization of laws and regulations.<br />

Current Problems<br />

The government decided to open the country for FDI in 1988. It enacted<br />

numerous laws and decrees directly and indirectly governing FDI, yet it has not<br />

been able to ensure the effectiveness of these instruments. Furthermore, the Lao<br />

Government has not marketed the country as a desirable investment destination to<br />

potential foreign investors.<br />

Competition among host countries is severe. Laos’s neighboring countries,<br />

namely Vietnam, Myanmar and China, are also emerging countries. These countries<br />

have advantages over Laos in terms of labor forces, domestic markets, sea<br />

ports, and infrastructure for promoted investments. These countries are campaigning<br />

hard for FDI. Furthermore, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and other developing<br />

countries in Southeast Asia are also doing their best to keep the investments<br />

they have. Other countries worldwide are also encouraging FDI.<br />

Recommendations<br />

• In order to attract good quality FDI, that will bring the greatest benefit to<br />

the country, the Lao Government must change its promotion strategies. The<br />

government needs to have a clear understanding of<br />

• what FDI is needed<br />

• why the country needs FDI<br />

• profitable sectors<br />

• target investors<br />

• Furthermore, the country should be ready for the investments it aims to attract.<br />

An image should be created for the country to inspire Laotians and<br />

foreign investors.<br />

• Lastly, the Government should launch aggressive FDI promotion campaigns<br />

inside the country and abroad.<br />

Only by following these strategies will Laos succeed in attracting FDI and gain<br />

more benefits from those investments.<br />

Alan Potkin*, Mr. Chaleunxay Phommavongsa,** and Catherine<br />

Raymond**<br />

Linking the Lao Loum Diaspora in <strong>Northern</strong> <strong>Illinois</strong> with Cultural<br />

Conservation Practice in Vientiane<br />

*Team Leader, Digital Conservation Facility, Laos<br />

**Founder, Black and White Studio, Vientiane; Principal consultant, Digital<br />

Conservation Facility Laos<br />

***Associate Professor of Southeast Asian Art History, <strong>Northern</strong> <strong>Illinois</strong><br />

<strong>University</strong><br />

As increasing wealth is generated within the Lao PDR, and also flows there<br />

from outside, the traditional meritorious reconstruction of Buddhist Vats and sacred<br />

sites has been accelerating everywhere around Vientiane. The aggrandizement<br />

of so many temples, to the delight so many people in the bans, has clearly<br />

sometimes come at a cost of disposing of undervalued assets —not all of them<br />

material. The uniquely Lao “cultural capital” recently lost ranges from the superb<br />

Phralak Phralam frescoes demolished with the old Vat Oup Mong vihaan, to an<br />

obscure religious cult necessarily weakened by the proud refurbishing of Vat Chan<br />

on the Old City waterfront: formerly the stark and austere royal seat for propitiating<br />

Lord Sikhottabang’s well-deserved curse.<br />

The conservation of Vat Sisaket —Vientiane’s sole religious monument in<br />

more-or-less its original condition— is a special case in that the local abbot and<br />

the ban cannot rehabilitate the cloistered museum complex on their own initiative:<br />

a mixed blessing, as the surrounding improvements are plentiful. But the will<br />

and the resources to reverse officially Sisaket’s appallingly rapid deterioration are<br />

barely mobilized.<br />

Existing Lao PDR legislation and decrees on archaeological and historical<br />

preservation require formal authorization by the Ministry of Information and Culture<br />

prior to the demolition or the rebuilding of major structures older than fifty<br />

years. In principle, the decisions on what to protect and why, draw upon specialized<br />

knowledge —inside and outside the government— of art and aesthetics; of<br />

history and religion; and of touristic development and practical conservatorship.<br />

How effective are these laws in actuality, how well-used is the available expertise,<br />

and how can the constituencies for cultural preservation be mobilized and<br />

strengthened?<br />

We could now only guess the significance of remittances from overseas Lao<br />

in the redevelopmentof temple compounds in the mother country, especially when<br />

new vats are springing up across the Lao loum diaspora. As Lao immigrants in<br />

North America both resist and embrace assimiliation****, what are their views on<br />

the transformation of the Buddhist cultural landscape back in Vientiane? Are some<br />

Lao becoming more sentimental, more preservationist towards previously-devaluated<br />

relics of “underdevelopment”?<br />

During the weeks before the FICLS, in cooperation with the Lao loum communities<br />

of Burlington, Elgin, and Rockford IL USA we will have installed interpretive<br />

materials and conducted workshops in one or more nearby vats, and will<br />

present our methodology and findings to this Conference.<br />

**** “The process in which one group takes on the cultural and other traits of a<br />

larger group”, (Microsoft Word dictionary).<br />

Elisabeth Preisig<br />

Rice, Women and Rituals<br />

Association for Research and Development, Vientiane, Lao P.D.R.<br />

The paper explores the role of Kmhmu’ women in livelihood, more precisely,<br />

the role in their rice culture. The careful study of the rice culture of the Kmhmu’<br />

reveals an intimate relationship between rice and women. The ritual role of women<br />

in Kmhmu’ rice culture demonstrates the independence and interdependence of<br />

both sexes in the Kmhmu’ family and society, in the face of natural, and supernatural<br />

powers.<br />

Planning and development, or change, without the careful weighing of the<br />

impact on this equilibrium could have a destabilizing effect on their society and<br />

break down patterns of responsibility and authority, thus eroding social structure<br />

and order.<br />

Mountain rice fields cannot be done without reinforcement and help from others,<br />

so people working together well form field clusters and do their fields in close<br />

cooperation, helping each other out throughout the planting cycle. Apart from<br />

physical strength rice as well as rice growers need some supernatural protection<br />

and blessing.<br />

While it is the men who perform most rituals and prayers in the life cycle of<br />

people, and in connection with the ancestors, women share responsibility in field<br />

rituals. In fact, some rituals in the fields even must be performed by a woman.<br />

Following this lead conducts to most interesting results for the understanding of<br />

Kmhmu’ social life and culture.<br />

Boike Rehbein, Ph.D.<br />

Lao Social Structure<br />

Acting Chair of Sociology, <strong>University</strong> of Freiburg, Germany<br />

The tendencies of globalization start to reach the hinterland of the global<br />

periphery, to which the small country of Laos certainly belongs. What do the concomitant<br />

changes mean for the country’s social structure? To answer this question,<br />

the paper draws on the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu. Social structure is conceived<br />

of as a hierarchy of “fields”, the structure of which is determined by the social<br />

agents’ resources or “capital”. Globalization can be understood as a global dif-

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