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Decision 30<br />

G.R. Nos. 171396,<br />

171400<br />

171409, 171424, 171483<br />

171485, 171489<br />

balances, “under which the President is supreme, x x x only if and when<br />

he acts within the sphere allotted to him by the Basic Law, and<br />

the authority to determine whether or not he has so acted is vested<br />

in the Judicial Department, which in this respect, is, in<br />

turn, constitutionally supreme.” 76<br />

Lansang was divided in Aquino v. Enrile. 77<br />

In 1973, the unanimous Court of<br />

There, the Court was<br />

almost evenly divided on the issue of whether the validity of the<br />

imposition of Martial Law is a political or justiciable question. 78 Then came<br />

Garcia-Padilla v. Enrile which greatly diluted Lansang. It declared that<br />

there is a need to re-examine the latter case, ratiocinating that “in times of<br />

war or national emergency, the President must be given absolute<br />

control for the very life of the nation and the government is in great<br />

peril. The President, it intoned, is answerable only to his conscience, the<br />

People, and God.” 79<br />

The Integrated Bar of the Philippines v. Zamora 80 -- a recent case<br />

most pertinent to these cases at bar -- echoed a principle similar to Lansang.<br />

While the Court considered the President’s “calling-out” power as a<br />

discretionary power solely vested in his wisdom, it stressed that “this does<br />

not prevent an examination of whether such power was exercised within<br />

permissible constitutional limits or whether it was exercised in a<br />

manner constituting grave abuse of discretion.” This ruling is mainly a<br />

76<br />

Lansang v. Garcia, supra, pp. 473 and 481.<br />

77<br />

Supra.<br />

78<br />

“Five Justices – Antonio, Makasiar, Esguerra, Fernandez, and Aquino – took the position that the<br />

proclamation of martial law and the arrest and detention orders accompanying the proclamation posed a<br />

“political question” beyond the jurisdiction of the Court. Justice Antonio, in a separate opinion concurred in<br />

by Makasiar, Fernandez, and Aquino, argued that the Constitution had deliberately set up a strong<br />

presidency and had concentrated powers in times of emergency in the hands of the President and had given<br />

him broad authority and discretion which the Court was bound to respect. He made reference to the decision<br />

in Lansang v. Garcia but read it as in effect upholding the “political question” position. Fernandez, in a<br />

separate opinion, also argued Lansang, even understood as giving a narrow scope of review authority to the<br />

Court, affirmed the impossible task of ‘checking’ the action taken by the President. Hence, he advocated a<br />

return to Barcelon v. Baker. Similarly, Esguerra advocated the abandonment of Lansang and a return to<br />

Barcelon. And, although Justices Castro, Fernando, Muñoz- Palma, and, implicitly, Teehankee, lined up on<br />

the side of justiciability as enunciated in Lansang, x x x Barredo, however, wanted to have the best of<br />

both worlds and opted for the view that “political questions are not per se beyond the Court’s jurisdiction ...<br />

but that as a matter of policy implicit in the Constitution itself the Court should abstain from interfering with<br />

the Executive’s Proclamation.” (Bernas, The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines: A<br />

Commentary, 1996 Edition, p. 794.)<br />

79<br />

See Separate Opinion of J. Puno in Integrated Bar of the Philippines v. Zamora, supra.<br />

80<br />

Supra.

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