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The origins of narcissism and narcissistic personality disorder a

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THE ORIGINS OF NARCISSISM 69<br />

Under the weight <strong>of</strong> the current evidence, constructs like normal<br />

autism, normal symbiosis, primary <strong>narcissism</strong>, fusion, hallucinatory<br />

omnipotence, <strong>and</strong> other inaccurate depictions <strong>of</strong> infancy surely must<br />

give way. <strong>The</strong> theory <strong>of</strong> hallucinatory wish fulfillment, as Bleuler <strong>and</strong><br />

Vygotsky knew, seems especially implausible, if only because an organism<br />

that normally functioned in this manner would be incapable<br />

<strong>of</strong> survival. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine attributing to other species,<br />

as a piece <strong>of</strong> normal development, an infantile stage in which hallucination<br />

is a response to frustration. Equally telling is Stern’s (1985)<br />

argument that preverbal infants, much like nonhuman organisms, perceive<br />

the world literally <strong>and</strong> are, in the absence <strong>of</strong> gross pathology,<br />

incapable <strong>of</strong> distorting reality in a manner suggesting omnipotence <strong>of</strong><br />

thought; fantasies <strong>of</strong> omnipotence-for example, the use <strong>of</strong> a transitional<br />

object (Winnicott, 1953, 1971/1982)-require symbolic thought<br />

<strong>and</strong> language (Gramont, 1990). <strong>The</strong> role <strong>of</strong> symbolic <strong>and</strong> linguistic<br />

processes in constituting phenomena like omnipotence <strong>of</strong> thought <strong>and</strong><br />

transitional object usage suggests that, contrary to received ideas about<br />

infantile fantasies, <strong>narcissism</strong> has its <strong>origins</strong> in the second, not the first,<br />

year <strong>of</strong> life.<br />

As with any case <strong>of</strong> paradigm change, however, old notions do not<br />

just give way automatically, <strong>and</strong> the replacement <strong>of</strong> one set <strong>of</strong> ideas<br />

by another is as much a matter <strong>of</strong> social processes as it is one <strong>of</strong><br />

theoretical conceptions <strong>and</strong> empirical evidence. In a different context,<br />

it has been said that Chomsky’s revolution in linguistics occurred not<br />

because he converted his colleagues but because he converted their<br />

graduate students. A similar situation exists today with regard to the<br />

impact <strong>of</strong> new knowledge about infancy on psychoanalytic developmental<br />

theories. Because <strong>of</strong> space limitations, this chapter cannot treat<br />

in detail the defenses <strong>of</strong> traditional assumptions. For the interested<br />

reader, some representative writers in this regard are Edgecumbe (1981;<br />

Edgecumbe & Burgner, 1972), Kaplan (1987), <strong>and</strong> Pine (1979, 1981,<br />

1986). Counterarguments to their defenses <strong>of</strong> traditional psychoanalytic<br />

developmental psychology can be found in, among many sources,<br />

Eagle (1984), Holt (1967/1989), Horner (1985), Milton Klein (1981),<br />

Lachmann <strong>and</strong> Beebe (1989), Peterfreund (1978), <strong>and</strong> Stern (1985).<br />

One received psychoanalytic assumption that needs further discussion,<br />

however, is the continuing equation <strong>of</strong> the concept <strong>of</strong> fusion with<br />

that <strong>of</strong> undifferentiation. Although both merger <strong>and</strong> undifferentiation<br />

entail an inability to distinguish between self <strong>and</strong> nonself, any further

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