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90 ning up degraded wetlands, planting street trees and creating new parks are tangible ways of redressing historic inequities, providing amenities that anchor communities, and educating urbanites whose historic exclusion from full citizenship has promoted a lack of environmental engagement. It is no accident the rhetoric surrounding the improvement of these so-called “internal landscape assets” often draws on a broader green, nation-building agenda that has replaced the anti-apartheid struggle, and seeks to raise public consciousness of South Africa’s fragile environmental resources [Beal, Crankshaw, & Parnell: 2000: 836]. Defining these open spaces in quasi-scientific, “environmental” terms also helps juridically and territorially defend them against land invasions by squatters, a major problem on the northern and southern outskirts of the city. How does this “environmental” regeneration of open space contribute to the less tangible, intertwined project of strengthening Joburg’s overall environmental image? So far, there has been little discussion of the cumulative effects of these local modifications, or how they might cultivate “(a) phenomenology of locality”. Describing each region’s open space as an „environmental system“ or „recreational amenity“ suggests that its performance as open space is unrelated to connections, patterns and synergies at once less local and less utilitarian. It also ignores current landscape architectural discourse, which argues that theories based on either visualist models (which exclude ecological thinking) or environmental models (which exclude cultural representations of space) fail to describe the innate undecidability of the landscape medium, which embodies at once culture and nature, the collective and the personal, the natural and the artificial, the static and the dynamic. [Berrizbeitia,117]. This undecidability is heightened in urban landscapes which both function, and are encountered, as components of multiple spatial or relational networks. Joburg’s open space system obviously has a critical role to play in shaping the imageability of a city whose cognitive illegibility has long been seen as symptomatic of the moral incoherence of the political order that created it. Not so obvious is what kind of landscape this open space system should become, what kinds of broad-scale strategies or vocabularies might best ameliorate this cityscape that cannot now be wished away. In Joburg, I would argue, answering this question requires acknowledging that this cityscape is, fundamentally, the product of social and historical processes. The accelerated time of ahistorical thinking and acting has become pervasive, both in the city’s overall morphology, and in its constantly reconstructed built fabric [Murray 2008a: 2]. This is a cityscape whose alienating character stems as much from constant (but unsuccessful) attempts to erase traces of the past as from its lack of distinctive natural features and the inhuman “rationality” of racial segregation [Murray 2008a: 164]. This suggests that the recuperation of temporality may play a crucial role in re-envisioning Joburg’s urban landscape. As in most cities, Joburg residents’ sense of the city -- both in terms of how and where they live, and what they ‘see’, experience and identify with – is ineluctably shaped by the spatial arrangements of a previous order. The meaning of cityscapes resides not in the spatial configuration of these cityscapes alone, but in their use, and memory of that use [Murray 2008b: 149]. Furthermore, the process whereby urbanites become citizens – in other words, develop a sense of belonging -- involves a cognitive assimilation of “cyclical” time of daily life to linear “historical” time that links contemporary endeavours back to intentional origins, and which is encoded in the planned city. In post-apartheid Joburg, however, this assimilation is complicated by differences between previously-empowered residents and recent arrivals. The former perceive the city shaped by a familiar combination of modern rationalism and scenographic nature as poised in a linear relationship between past and present, while the latter perceive it in terms of affective histories that reference ancestral traditions and practices grounded in bio-physical processes and routines [Lloyd 2003: 113-4] Although different, both subjectivities encode taken-forgranted patterns in the world people intuit as “natural” [Olin 1996: 98] and through which they situate themselves as “inside” or “outside” Western modernity. Crosscutting these cultural subjectivities is the legacy of recent socio-political history, which can lend the same urban landscape very different meanings for different residents – for example, gardens that evoke fond memories for some but associations of servitude for others, or pine or eucalyptus plantations that are seen as invasive exotics by some but “beautiful forests” by others. [Barnard 2006: 109; 2007: 166]. Conclusion: landscape strategies of temporal transformation All of this makes conventional forms of landscape conservation – and improvement -- problematic at best in contemporary Joburg. On the other hand, it suggests that transforming Joburg’s open space system into an agent of collectivity requires being attuned to a broad range of landscape subjectivities, and how the productive play between these might transform open space over time. As territories “belonging” to no–one in particular, where the “pre-modern” nature (re)infiltrates the city, Joburg’s open spaces – especially cartographic intervals that are also unimproved African veld – currently invite different groups to develop their own subjective integration of “modernity” and “nature” (and therefore, “linear” and “cyclical” time). Long latent in Africans’ unofficial use of the city’s open spaces, this multivalency is more evident today, when (for instance) ridges have become popular sites for traditional African initiation and religious ceremonies.
91 Today, this cognitive multivalency could provide a point of departure for more overt, hybrid interventions that create a more differentiated, porous open space system, even as they strengthen its legibility within the larger metropolis. These medium term strategies would neither impose forms on sites, nor slavishly conserve existing spatial arrangements, but use minimal, cyclical biophysical processes to index local traces in a way that creates a (neutral-because-“natural”) city-wide territorial patterning. [Desvignes 2008] As the work of Desvignes and others have shown, such “intermediate natures” can integrate both local and regional metrics of landscape use and signification. They can accommodate emerging qualitative landscape needs associated with globalizing cities [Schöbel 2006], and in time generate new meanings for spaces previously thought of as degraded (for instance, the mine dumps currently being reclaimed for development). Lynch argued that urban legibility ultimately relied on the spatialization of time through the temporal patterning of the cityscape, and the temporalization of space through patterns of use and movement. The co-existence of both helped a city to function as a source of hope and a life yet to be. [Lynch 1972]. In similar vein, conceptualizing Joburg’s open space as a web of overlapping “natures” would engage African ways of narrating landscape, and recognize that in the post-apartheid city where residents are continually on the move, time and memory have become spatialized through crossing and folding rather than sequential organization. Recasting all Joburg’s open spaces – including its rock ridges, riparian corridors, mining lands, easements and transportation servitudes -- as a clearly-defined, yet temporally-evolving “field condition” would, paradoxically, introduce a fine-grained, material history absent from the entropic built environment. At the same time it would de-politicize landscape conservation, and curate a pluralistic phenomenology of locality that permeates the larger territory of the city. References: Barnard, R. (2006): The Place of Beauty. In: S. Nuttall (ed), Beautiful Ugly: African and Diaspora Aesthetics. Durham NC: Duke University Press: 102 – 121 -------------- (2007): Apartheid and After: South African Writers and the Politics of Place. New York; Oxford University Press. Beall, J., Crankshaw, O., & Parnell, S. (2000): Victims, Villains and Fixers: the urban environment and Johannesburg’s poor. Journal of Southern African Studies. 26: 4: 833 – 855 Beningfield, J. (2007): The Frightened Land: land, landscape and politics in South Africa in the 20th Century. London: Routledge. Berrizbeitia, A. (2002). Scales of Undecidability. In J. Czerniak (ed.), CASE: Downsview Park Toronto. Munich, Prestel: 116 -- 125. Bremner, L. (2000): Crime and the emerging landscape of post-apartheid Johannesburg. In: H. Judin & I. Vladislavic (ed): blank___:Architecture,, apartheid and after. Rotterdam/Cape Town: NAi/David Phillip: 48 – 63 Bremner, L. (2002): Closure, simulation and making do in the contemporary Johannesburg landscape. In: O. Enwezor et al (ed): Under Seige: Four African Cities.. Kassel: Ostfildern-Ruit : Hatje Cantz : 153 – 172 Bremner, L. (2006): Memory, Nation-building and the Post-Apartheid city. In: In N. Murray, N. Shepherd & M. Hall (ed). Desire Lines: Space, Memory and Identity in the Post-Apartheid City London: Routledge: 85 - 103 Cairns, S. (2006): Cognitive Mapping and the Dispersed City. In: C. Lindner (ed.) Urban Space and Cityscapes: Perspectives from Modern & Contemporary Culture. New York: Routledge: 192 – 205. Czegedly, A. (2003): Villas of the Highveld: Cultural Perspectives on Johannesburg. In: R. Tomlinson, R. Beauregard, L. Bremner & X. Mangcu (ed). Emerging Johannesburg: Perspectives on the Post-Apartheid City. New York: Routledge: 21 – 42 Desvignes, M. (2009): Intermediate Natures: the landscapes of Michel Desvignes. Berlin: Birkhauser. Foster, J. (2008): Washed with Sun: Landscape and the Making of White South Africa. Pittsburgh, University of Pittsburgh Press. Kruger, L. (1997): The Drama of Country and City: Tribalization, Urbanization and Theatre under Apartheid. Journal of Southern African Studies 23: 4: 565 – 584. Lloyd, R. (2003): Defining spatial concepts toward an African urban system. Urban Design International 8: 105 – 117. Lynch, K. (1960): The Image of the City. Cambridge MA, MIT Press Lynch, K. (1972): What Time is this Place? Cambridge MA, MIT Press Murray, M. J. (2008a): Taming the Disorderly City: the spatial landscape of Johannesburg after apartheid. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. ---------------- (2008b): The City in Fragments: kaleidoscopic Johannesburg after apartheid. In G. Prakash & K. Kruse eds.. The Spaces of the Modern City: Imaginaries, Politics and Everyday Life. Princeton, Princeton University Press: 144 - 178 Olin, L. (December 1996): The Great Metaphor. Landscape Architecture. 60 –87 Sola Morales, I. de (1995). Urbanité Intersticielle. Art Actuel 61. Schöbel, S. (2006): Qualitative Research as a Perspective for Urban Open Space Planning. Journal of Landscape Architecture (Spring 2006): 38—47. Vladislavic, I. (2004). The Exploded View. Johannesburg, Random House Papers
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