Landscape – Great Idea! X-LArch III - Department für Raum ...
Landscape – Great Idea! X-LArch III - Department für Raum ...
Landscape – Great Idea! X-LArch III - Department für Raum ...
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88<br />
Urban imageability & open space in<br />
post-apartheid Johannesburg<br />
Jeremy Foster<br />
Dept. of <strong>Landscape</strong> Architecture, 440<br />
Kennedy Hall, Cornell University, Ithaca NY<br />
14850, USA (e-mail: jf252@cornell.edu)<br />
Abstract<br />
The social, economic and morphological legacies<br />
of apartheid, as well as new forms of citizenship<br />
created by neoliberalization, have challenged<br />
conventional planning models ability to address the<br />
evolution of South African cities like Johannesburg.<br />
This paper considers the role urban open space<br />
might play in welding this historically-divided city,<br />
where residents have very different expectations,<br />
spatialities and memories, into a cognitively imageable<br />
metropolis. It argues that minimal but differentiated<br />
improvements to the city’s residual open spaces<br />
would allow different ideas of nature and as well as<br />
different forms of memory to coexist. Encountered<br />
through patterns of movement, such undecidable<br />
natural landscapes would weave a “memory-scape”<br />
that strengthens the city’s cognitive legibility and<br />
promotes a pluralistic “phenomenology of locality”.<br />
Keywords<br />
Imageability, open space systems, memory, difference,<br />
temporality,<br />
Introduction<br />
Johannesburg after apartheid<br />
Post-apartheid South African cities have challenged<br />
conventional ways of thinking about the relationship<br />
between planning, development, and social justice. This<br />
is especially true in Johannesburg, where the social, economic<br />
and morphological legacies of the apartheid years,<br />
have collided with new forms of citizenship created by<br />
economic deregulation and uncontrolled in-migration<br />
from the rest of southern Africa and Africa. Purportedly<br />
Africa’s wealthiest city, Johannesburg (or, more colloquially,<br />
Joburg) is paradoxically experiencing unprecedented<br />
levels of poverty, homelessness, crime and urban decay<br />
today. The formal divisions of apartheid no longer exist,<br />
but Joburg has become a city of overlapping realities.<br />
Reconstituted by multiple new constituencies, its economy<br />
is increasingly shaped by mobile users and politically<br />
unaccountable publics. [Bremner 2006: 86]. The new political<br />
order has transformed long-standing citizens’ physical<br />
and imaginative “right to the city”, bringing greater<br />
freedom of movement and residence, but also seemingly<br />
endemic crime and cycles of urban decay, abandonment<br />
and re-appropriation. [Bremner 2000 & 2002]. As in<br />
many other globalized cities, hypereal zones of spectacle,<br />
surveillance and control mingle with derelict spaces<br />
of material and economic entropy left by mobile capital.<br />
[Cairns 2006: 197]. This has created an increasingly<br />
heterogeneous and incoherent cityscape, where conventional<br />
urban taxonomies are strained to breaking point,<br />
and ‘common cultural referents’ have been replaced by<br />
a multiplicity of expectations, spatialities and memories.<br />
[Bremner 2002: 171; Vladislavic 2004: 6] In this sprawling<br />
metropolis, citizens pass each other like tourists,<br />
and the public realm is permeated by an air of imminent<br />
danger outside securitized office parks, themed gated<br />
communities and spectacular shopping malls.<br />
The <strong>Great</strong>er Johannesburg Metropolitan Council created<br />
to weld this previously-divided city into a single entity<br />
has struggled to redress the effects of past injustices still<br />
felt by many residents, while simultaneously enhancing<br />
sustainability and meeting market-driven, cost-recovery<br />
mandates from the state. The GJMC also recognizes<br />
that transforming Joburg into a “world class city” in which<br />
more than 10 million residents feel a common sense of<br />
citizenship requires cultivating what one commentator<br />
calls “a sense of experience, (a) phenomenology of locality<br />
which creates, moulds and reflects perceived ideals”.<br />
[Czegedly 2003: 38]<br />
Urban process and landscape character<br />
No discussion of how people identify with cities they live<br />
in can avoid referring to Lynch’s concept of ‘imageability’,<br />
which held that certain patternings of urban spatial<br />
components help inhabitants develop a shared cognitive<br />
image of the city and shape their attachment to it. [Lynch<br />
1960] Given Johannesburg’s entropic built environment,<br />
conventional wisdom would suggest that we should<br />
look to the city’s open spaces for this legibility. The raw<br />
materials are not propitious, however. Renowned for<br />
its lack of natural features or scenic beauty, Joburg was<br />
established in the late 19th C. “in the middle of nowhere”<br />
by mining interests <strong>–</strong> speculators, capitalists, entrepreneurs,<br />
engineers <strong>–</strong> who had no long-term urban visions.<br />
Its physical growth has been characterized by speculation<br />
and an over-determination of supposedly “rational”<br />
solutions to social problems. Not only were the town’s<br />
first surveys, effectively, mining claims based on older<br />
farm boundaries, but its initial expansion followed the<br />
underground gold reef, in an east-west direction. The city<br />
became a patchwork of districts in which street patterns<br />
reflected the irregular shapes of the original farms rather<br />
than any plan to orchestrate these tracts into a coherent<br />
city. Subsequent extensions varied little from the original<br />
grid, creating a harsh cityscape with few intentional<br />
public spaces, significant street corridors or landmarks<br />
[Murray 2008a: 160-1]. The only significant intervals cre-