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Landscape – Great Idea! X-LArch III - Department für Raum ...

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54<br />

<strong>Landscape</strong> as Urban Structure: the<br />

Case of Cantho, Vietnam<br />

Kelly Shannon<br />

KU Leuven, <strong>Department</strong> of Architecture,<br />

Urbanism and Planning (ASRO), Architecture and<br />

Urbanism Research Group (OSA), Kasteelpark<br />

Arenberg 1, B-3001, Heverlee, Belgium<br />

(e-mail: kelly.shannon@asro.kuleuven.be)<br />

Abstract<br />

Cantho and its surroundings attest to an alternative<br />

concept of an indigenous modernity, based upon<br />

cultural hybridization and absorption of multiple foreign<br />

influences. The impressive transformation of a regional<br />

landscape into a colonized urban nature by the French<br />

was succeeded by a modernization of colonization by<br />

the Americans. Yet, the impositions did not cancel out<br />

the essence of the region’s indigenous modernity <strong>–</strong><br />

namely that of an intensive relationship of landscape<br />

and urbanity. Today, the Mekong delta’s indigenous<br />

urban identity is threatened by ex-nihilo urbanization.<br />

Modern master planning is in direct contradiction<br />

with the native modernity. The late-Fordist visions for<br />

Cantho <strong>–</strong> replete with large-scale investment and tabula<br />

rasa city building are at least half (if not one) a century<br />

too late. This paper will distill the layered narratives<br />

of Cantho and present a series of cartographies and<br />

interpretative analysis which in turn lead to alternative<br />

scenarios for the rapidly urbanizing city. The hypothesis<br />

is that the urbanization can continue to work with<br />

the existing logics of the landscape as opposed to<br />

against them in the drive towards modernization.<br />

Key words<br />

Cantho, Vietnam, urbanization, landscape.<br />

Harnessing the Potential of a Liquid Geography<br />

Cantho (fig. 1) is a thriving city in Vietnam’s southern<br />

region of the Mekong Delta. Unlike the north and center<br />

of the country, the region has only been occupied by<br />

Vietnamese for approximately three centuries. South<br />

Vietnam (called Nam Bo) was known as a frontier region<br />

with a rich liquid geography: ‘A largely waterlogged world<br />

of black mud and mangrove trees, bordered by thick tropical<br />

forests where the land rose away from the flooded<br />

plain. Drainage canals had only slowly begun to ensure<br />

that some areas were protected from the annual floods<br />

that came with the rainy season and the steady rise of<br />

the Mekong’s level, its volume swollen both by the rains<br />

and by the melting of snows in faraway Tibet’ (Osborne<br />

2000:21).<br />

The region’s landscape was the primary determinant in<br />

its urban structure. In the early feudal era, the swampy<br />

area of Nam Bo was transformed into fertile plains for<br />

wet paddy cultivation. Settlements developed linearly,<br />

following the alluvial, non-salted high-land banks of rivers<br />

and canals. Villages advanced following the construction<br />

of the canal system. Unlike other parts of Vietnam (due<br />

to strict urbanization regulations), the population of the<br />

south was allowed to freely occupy land, motivated by<br />

the possibility to cultivate new lands. Market cities were<br />

established along the natural waterways and trade flourished.<br />

A network of market places, transient stations for<br />

traders, service stations for the repair and maintenance<br />

of boats and supply of fresh water and areas for rice<br />

processing (oriented towards export) was established <strong>–</strong><br />

many of which were floating on the inter-connected<br />

waterways. The delta has been called ‘modern by nature’<br />

with a geographically amenable to the commodity<br />

economy and international trade which easily accommodated<br />

cultural hybridization (Taylor 2001). In pre-colonial<br />

times, the Mekong Delta was a thriving hub of regional<br />

commerce, a major exporter of rice and a place where<br />

merchant ships clustered in search of profitable cargo<br />

(Li and Reid 1993). From the feudal era through colonial<br />

times and until present day, there has been a regimented<br />

and strictly governed policy of public works and land<br />

reclamation to, on the one hand, increase land productivity<br />

and, on the other hand, to create settlement in an<br />

organized manner <strong>–</strong> as ‘agricultural colonies’ (dinh dien)<br />

and ‘military colonies’ (don dien).<br />

In the mid-18th century, Cantho was established as a<br />

regional center due to its strategic location at the confluence<br />

of the Hau (lower branch of the mighty Mekong)<br />

and Cantho Rivers. At 100 km from the East Sea (also<br />

known as the South China Sea), it was far enough away<br />

from the direct vagaries of coastal habitation, yet close<br />

enough to function as a competitive entrepôt city. Thus,<br />

Cantho was established as Tay Do (the ‘Western Capital’)<br />

and was an important crossroads between areas<br />

deep in the delta and Saigon. During the colonial era (in<br />

1876 the entire Mekong Delta fell under control of the<br />

French), massive capital investment by the government<br />

of Indochina was expended for infrastructure: railways,<br />

port facilities, roadways, bridges (known as Eiffel ponts)<br />

and the massive irrigation and transport canal system of<br />

the Mekong Delta <strong>–</strong> specifically directed at the promotion<br />

of commercial agriculture. The French radically transformed<br />

Vietnam’s lower Mekong delta from scarcely-populated<br />

swamp into the granary of Vietnam and a bustling<br />

heartland of commercial export agriculture (Taylor<br />

2001:6). From 1890-1936, 1,360 kilometers of main<br />

canals and 2,500 kilometers of auxiliary canals were dug<br />

by a combined effort of machines and manual labor <strong>–</strong> in<br />

addition to 3,000 kilometers of inter-provincial land routes<br />

between 1880-1913 (Nguyen Quang Vinh 1996:46). Prior

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