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Landscape – Great Idea! X-LArch III - Department für Raum ...

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35<br />

us,” and yet the agricultural countryside itself is shaped<br />

by capitalist modes of production (Williams 1973: 293).<br />

The CPR ready-made farm program reveals how rural<br />

utopian ideals were used to entice settlers to the unfamiliar<br />

landscapes of the Canadian Prairies; these strategies<br />

and their consequences bear consideration in our contemporary<br />

era, as mass development and image-making<br />

reshape landscapes globally.<br />

Endnotes<br />

[1] For the role of the Canadian Expansionist movement in promoting<br />

this changed view, see Owram 1980.<br />

[2] The cost of work was added to the sale price o the farm; the<br />

British farmer paid one-tenth of the price down, then the balance<br />

in nine equal installments with six percent annual interest. In 1913,<br />

payment terms for the farm were extended from a 10 to a 20-year<br />

contract to relieve the financial burden of crop losses in 1911 and<br />

1912; in 1923 the terms were extended to 34 years. (Naismith to J.<br />

Murray, March 15, 1913, Glenbow Archives M2269-18).<br />

[3] As reported in the March 26, 1910 issue of the Manchester Guardian,<br />

each of the first ready-made farm families had ready capital<br />

ranging from £200 to £700 ($1000 to $3000); the group included<br />

an engineer, a former innkeeper, a retired civil servant, a builder, a<br />

coachman, a dairy farmer, and a veterinary surgeon.<br />

[4] Burke observed that vast landscapes, associated with infinite<br />

vistas, potentially filled the mind with a pleasurable sensation of<br />

‘sublime’ terror. However, as lived landscapes, settlers would have<br />

encountered the vast Prairies as actual sources of pain and danger,<br />

rather than as places of aesthetic pleasure.<br />

[5] Cost and time savings generally result from centralized developments;<br />

this principal is affirmed in a CPR memorandum, which<br />

notes that “…this centralization of the colonies will permit of cheaper<br />

and more rapid completion of improvements.” (Memorandum by<br />

J.S. Dennis to CPR Advisory Committee, April 18, 1916 <strong>–</strong> Glenbow<br />

M2269-458)<br />

[6] Provisions for this possibility were incorporated in presentations<br />

of the ready-made farm program. A speech by railway president<br />

Sir Thomas Shaughnessy in January, 1910, described ready-made<br />

farm holdings on 80 or 100 acres of irrigable land, or 160 acres of<br />

non-irrigated land. By 1911, advertisements announced farms of<br />

“80 to 320 acres”.<br />

[7] Typical of this popular view was British émigré Catharine Parr<br />

Traill’s experience of eased social relations in Canada, relative to<br />

Britain:“hospitality without extravagance, kindness without insincerity<br />

of speech” (Traill 1846: 202)<br />

[8] Trees were not planted on the ready-made farms because of<br />

maintenance; contrary to claims for the natural fertility of the soil,<br />

trees demanded settlers to look after them. (P.L. Naismith to Hart,<br />

Jan. 27, 1913 <strong>–</strong> Glenbow M2269-9)<br />

[9] As Peter Naismith, general manager of the <strong>Department</strong> of Natural<br />

Resources, explained “…we established a number of colonies,<br />

building the houses, preparing the land and having everything<br />

ready before the purchaser arrived. These farms we sold on a<br />

very small first payment, and ultimately found that the result of the<br />

purchaser not having sufficient equity in them, did not warrant him<br />

in sticking and overcoming the obstacles due to all new settlers in a<br />

new country, nearly so well as if he had a larger interest in the property.<br />

We found that instead of the farms being sold as we thought,<br />

they had to be sold in some cases a half a dozen times before we<br />

got a purchaser who would stick, and the result was that there was<br />

considerable depreciation, and in a good many cases some ‘writing<br />

off’ before final sale was made.” (Naismith to Mead, Feb. 8 1921 <strong>–</strong><br />

Glenbow M2269-138)<br />

References<br />

CPR (1911): Settler’s Guide: A Handbook of Information for Settlers<br />

in the Canadian Pacific Railway Irrigation Block. (Hedges 1939,<br />

1971) Calgary: Canadian Pacific Railway Colonization <strong>Department</strong>.<br />

CPR (1921): Irrigation Farming in Sunny Alberta. Chicago: M. Kallis<br />

and Company.<br />

CPR (1929): Irrigation farming in Sunny Alberta. Canadian Pacific<br />

Railway Colonization <strong>Department</strong>.<br />

Dewey, P. E. (1989): British agriculture in the First World War.<br />

London; New York, Routledge.<br />

Hedges, J. B. (1939, 1971): Building the Canadian West; the land<br />

and colonization policies of the Canadian Pacific Railway. New<br />

York, Russell & Russell.<br />

Keating, W. H. ed. (1825). Narrative of an Expedition to the Source<br />

of St. Peter’s River, Lake Winnepeek, Lake of the Woods, etc.<br />

Performed in the Year 1823. London.<br />

Macoun, J. (1882): Manitoba and the great Northwest. Guelph.<br />

Mills, G. E. (1991). Buying wood & building farms. Ottawa: National<br />

Historic Sites, Parks Service, Environment Canada.<br />

Owram, D. (1980): Promise of Eden: the Canadian expansionist<br />

movement and the idea of the West, 1856 1900. Toronto: University<br />

of Toronto Press.<br />

Rueck, Daniel. (2004): Imposing a “Mindless Geometry:” Surveyors<br />

versus the Canadian Plains 1869-1885. <strong>Department</strong> of History.<br />

Montreal: McGill University.<br />

Traill, C. P. S. (1846): The Backwoods of Canada. London, C.<br />

Knight.<br />

Williams, Raymond (1973): The Country and the City. London,<br />

Chatto & Windus.<br />

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