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20 Fig. 5: Other vegetation This study does not undertake space syntax methodologies, but uses their process of “quantify[ing] a number of aspects of the built environment” as justification for the operationalizing of urban open space variables. The method of observation analysis is loosely based on William H. Whyte’s methodology of observing open space usage in New York City. Whyte analyzed behavior patterns, usage numbers, etc. against variables of various urban design elements (Whyte 1988, 2001). Observations are conducted in various open space typologies. Certain activities and behavior variables are recorded in each typology. Subsequently, results and conclusions are derived from the frequency, type, participant information, etc. of each activity/behavior variable in each urban space typology. Six (6) open space typologies were identified in the study area (See Figures 1-6): Mosque garden; Main commercial street; All other streets; Park & playground; Other vegetated areas; and Steps, stoops, balconies, etc. that are on or near the edge of the other streets. These open space typologies were derived from a site analysis of what open spaces exist in Pinar. While the mosque garden and park are planned spaces, the others are the result of squatterization as an emergent process. The street patterns are organic, reflecting the early userdefined building patterns. The spaces near the street are often the result of innovative adaptations implemented after the buildings were constructed (Ergun 2008) (See Figure 6). Fig. 6: Space near street The activity categories were based on observations of what people do in the open spaces in Istanbul. Activities were observed in various open spaces throughout Istanbul (planned and unplanned settlements) and then subsequently categorized to form nine (9) activity groups (see endnote 2). Random people were observed at sample times at various open space typologies in Pinar on three days in April 2007. Each day included 2 X 10 minute observations of each urban space typology. Thus, in total each typology was observed for six (6) ten-minute sessions, for a total of 60 minutes of observation. The activities were noted (see endnote 2). Results and discussion The statistical findings for the study can be found in Figure 7. For other key findings, see endnote 3. The results show that the streets and the spaces near the street are the most used open spaces, despite the presence of a mosque garden, park and other vegetated areas. The social life of the neighborhood is found on the streets and the innovative spaces created near the edge of the streets. These street spaces host informal economic activities, housework, play, travel, and many conversations. They also included a mix of ages and sexes. Neighbors, relatives, friends, and businesses all meet in these spaces. In contrast, the mosque garden had no women users. Women were present in all the other open space typologies. Based on these observations it appears that open spaces are inclusionary for women of all ages, except for the total exclusion of women in the mosque garden. Fig. 7: Summary Table
21 Bonding social capital appears particularly strong in Pinar. This is based on the observations indicating strong group-based activities. Most open-space interactions seem to occur with other Pinar residents or similar social groups (which indicates bonding, not bridging or linking social capital (Pretty 2003) (See endnote 1). Future studies could analyze additional squatter settlements and planned settlements. Longer and more numerous observation times could be conducted. Future studies could also seek answers to other questions and lessons for squatter settlements, such as: • Are open spaces other than the mosque garden in informal housing areas exclusionary? • Are residents of informal housing areas excluded from other public spaces? • Are the public spaces built incrementally, as the houses usually are? Conclusion An analysis of use and type found that the streets and areas near the street were the most social and used spaces, despite the location of a planned park and mosque garden in the settlement. These are the spaces that residents use and where extensive social interactions occur. They also appear to be the spaces of social inclusion and integration, accommodating residents of all ages, sexes and, seemingly, statuses within the settlement. Planners, designers and residents developing designs for informal settlements should be willing to restructure their design and planning paradigms to include the observations in this study for what constitutes useful and valued public open space for an informal settlement in Istanbul. <strong>Landscape</strong>s as a generative process and manifestation, such as that found in Istanbul’s squatter settlements, provide useful insights for designers, planners and residents for the future role of landscape and open space in the urban context. The landscapes of these squatter settlements are the outcome of squatterization as a process, yet they are also the reflection of cultural values and norms pertaining to public open space. The squatter settlement residents value interactions with people and adaptability in their built environment. The results are that the spaces on and near the street are used and transformed to fit with users’ needs and desires. Thus, open space forms and uses in the emerging informal urban context clearly show that what is valued is not always planned and what is planned is not always valued. Endnotes [1] Definition of key terms Squatterization Issues of squatter housing are complex and need to be looked at in a holistic manner, including all definitions (Saglamer 1994). Thus, three main aspects of squatterization/informal housing are proposed as definitions: A transition process reflected in form: “A transition process from rural to urban life, a transitional life style and its reflection to space.” (Turgut 2001). A phenomenon defined in terms of distribution of wealth, social structure, and social security (Arslan 1989). Defined in terms of ownership, legislation and construction processes. This phenomenon is defined as “the casual buildings which have been built on lands or plots without having any ownership and the right to built on it in terms of building legislation and laws.” (Turgut 2001). It is impossible to truly understand and/or study informal housing if a myopic perspective is taken that solely focuses on one definition. Thus, for this study it is proposed that squatterization/informal housing be understood as a phenomenon including all of the aforementioned definitions. Social capital This study seeks to find some understanding about the study area’s social capital. However, social capital is a term loaded with nuance and varied meanings. To be clear, this study uses the following definitions of social capital: “The aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition“ (Bourdieu 1983). Bonding social capital: “Bonding social capital describes the links between people with similar objectives and is manifested in local groups, such as guilds, mutual-aid societies, sports clubs, and others’ groups.” (Pretty 2003). Bridging social capital “Bridging describes the capacity of such groups to make links with others that may have different views.” (Pretty 2003) Linking social capital “Linking describes the ability of groups to engage with external agencies, either to influence their policies or to draw on useful resources.” (Pretty 2003) Public Spaces “Those areas of a neighborhood to which persons have legal access and can visually observe—its streets and sidewalks, its parks, its places of public accommodation, its public buildings, and the public sectors of its private buildings.” (Lofland 1973) For this study, indoor spaces are not included. Urban Space “If we wish to clarify the concept of urban space without imposing aesthetic criteria we are compelled to designate all types of space between buildings in towns and other localities as urban space.” (Krier 1973) [2] Methods and Variables Behavior and inter-personal interactions were operationalized as dependent variables. Activity and interaction typologies: Papers
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70 Green Streets Potential for Down
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72 size of rain garden through the
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74 Climate Change asks for Sustaina
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84 the City applied the military so
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86 Endnotes [1] Anyone interested i
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88 Urban imageability & open space
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90 ning up degraded wetlands, plant
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92 How to balance the multiple role
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94 to the site. The public domain i
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96 public spaces in the HBA, and by
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98 Questions of scale for sustainab
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100 Fig. 4: Nested structure of an
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104 Moving Land: International Buil
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108 Exploring a New Mode of Sustain
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110 Serveral private sectors initia
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112 Structuring the Concept of Land
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114 transformation; the regulative
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116 Anti-planning, anti-design? Exp
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118 ate them, provided they still r
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120 Complexity Ethos + Strategies:
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122 cher” from a twenty-five foot
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124 Great Ideas in Landscapes Seen
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126 Depending on motivation, these
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128 The traditions of landscape sch
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130 Landscape Insertions: Operation
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132 Fig. 02: Llorca Stéphanie, AXY
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134 and creative innovation that in
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136 Significance of the post-mining
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138 Designing the post-industrial c
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140 Hidden landscapes - The Enclose
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142 Fig. 3: Paley Park is an inters
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144 House and Exterior in the archi
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146 Fig. 4 architectonical work“
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148 The socio-cultural role of peri
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150 Ecological networks representat
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152 Veneto integrated water landsca
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154 Fig. 2: Ponte di Piave 2025 (A)
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156 Observing the Landscape Roland
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160 Mobility and Territory Sanja Cv
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162 Kevin Lynch’s Openness of the
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