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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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<strong>The</strong> proletariat’s political struggle was just as decisive. It had to fight both revisionism, which had gone over to<br />

the bourgeoisie, and centrism represented by Kautsky, but also by Roland Holst, who represented the centrist<br />

current in Holland. While Kautsky’s current was not a bourgeois one, but a pseudo-“radical” current which<br />

wanted to “turn back the wheel of history” by advocating “an impotent, utopian resistance” to imperialism, it<br />

was all the more dangerous in its centrism. It served as a bridge to the bourgeois current of the social democracy,<br />

and should be fought as such.<br />

But ‘centrism’ was most dangerous in its pacifist guise. To take the revolutionary road, the proletariat had first to<br />

reject the struggle for peace, advocated by the pacifist currents within the workers’ movement: “Both as<br />

hypocrisy and self-deceit, and as a means for better enslaving and exploiting, the pacifist movement is the other<br />

side of the imperialist coin... <strong>The</strong> pacifist movement is an attack by bourgeois imperialism against proletarian<br />

socialism.” 315 Finally, and above all, without a real International, created by the proletariat itself, there could be<br />

no real revolutionary movement. <strong>The</strong>re was no shadow of doubt as to the possibility of a ‘new International’<br />

emerging from the war. Unlike Lenin in September 1914, Gorter did not yet call this the 3 rd International.<br />

Gorter’s pamphlet was hailed as a model by Lenin, who had also read Pannekoek’s articles against the war,<br />

nationalism, and kautskyism. With its radical analyses, it broke with the position adopted by Henriëtte Roland<br />

Holst who, at the same moment in her pamphlet <strong>The</strong> socialist proletariat and peace (Dec. 1914), defended a<br />

pacifist viewpoint, without mentioning the ‘betrayal’ of the social democracy and the need for a new<br />

International. 316<br />

<strong>The</strong> SDP and the Zimmerwald Conference<br />

Gorter’s pamphlet and Pannekoek’s articles posed concretely the necessity of renewing international links<br />

among the Marxist groups, in order to lay the foundations for the ‘new International’.<br />

It is significant that their position, for working energetically for the international regroupment of all socialists<br />

opposed to the war, and the partisans of the new International, remained an isolated one within their own party.<br />

Gorter and Pannekoek wanted the SDP to take part wholeheartedly in the International Conference advocated by<br />

the Bolsheviks amongst others, at the end of the summer of 1915.<br />

<strong>The</strong> idea of renewing international relations among parties of the 2 nd International opposed to the war, originated<br />

in the parties of ‘neutral’ countries. Already, on 27 th September 1914, a conference took place in Lugano<br />

(Switzerland), between the Swiss and Italian parties. <strong>The</strong> conference proposed to “struggle by every means<br />

against the further extension of the war to other countries”. Another conference of ‘neutral parties’ was held on<br />

17 th /18 th January 1915 in Copenhagen, with delegates from the Scandinavian parties and the SDAP (the same<br />

party which had excluded the Tribunists in 1909). Neither conference had any echo in the workers’ movement.<br />

<strong>The</strong>y proposed to reaffirm ‘the principles of the International’, which had died on 4 th August 1914. But whereas<br />

the <strong>Dutch</strong> and Scandinavians reformists appealed to the International Socialist Bureau to hold a peace’<br />

conference of the parties which had adopted ‘social chauvinism’, the Swiss and Italian parties moved hesitantly<br />

towards a break. In January 1915, for example, the Swiss SP voted to stop paying subscriptions to the late 2 nd<br />

International. <strong>The</strong> break was only a timid one, since the conference of the Swiss and Italian parties held in<br />

Zürich in May 1915, passed a resolution calling for “the forgetting of the weaknesses and faults of brother<br />

parties in other countries”. 317 In the midst of a military bloodbath, the slogans of ‘general disarmament’ and<br />

‘non-violent annexations’ were put forward.<br />

315 Gorter, idem, p. 151.<br />

316 H. Roland Holst, Het socialistische proletariaat en de vrede (Amsterdam: J.J. Bos), no date [1915], firstly published in:<br />

De Nieuwe Tijd, Vol. 30, Nov. 1914, pp. 734-752 & 764-783.<br />

317 See: J. Humbert-Droz, op. cit.; H. Lademacher, Die Zimmerwalder Bewegung. Protokolle und Korrespondenz, vols. I/II,<br />

(<strong>The</strong> Hague/Paris: Mouton 1967).<br />

97

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