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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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letter to Paul Lafargue (20 th June 1893), the same Engels wrote that “unless autonomy and unity are granted to<br />

each nation, then neither the international union of the proletariat, nor the peaceful and intelligent co-operation<br />

between nations for common ends will be possible.” 250 This latter position, which somewhat contradicted that of<br />

1848, was to become the position of the 2 nd International.<br />

It fell to Rosa Luxemburg to call into question this final schema of 1896, over the Polish question. She felt it<br />

necessary to “re-evaluate Marx’s old ideas on the national question”. Rejecting Polish independence as contrary<br />

to proletarian aims, she still agreed with the ‘national liberation’ of the Christian peoples ruled by the Turkish<br />

Empire. However, in her 1908 text ‘<strong>The</strong> national question and autonomy’, she definitively rejected any<br />

reconciliation between ‘national liberation’ and the proletarian class struggle.<br />

<strong>The</strong> concept of the ‘nation’ had to be rejected, as a bearer of bourgeois ideology and as destructive of class<br />

consciousness: “... a concept such as ‘the nation’ is in fact one of those categories of bourgeois ideology which<br />

Marxist theory has subjected to a radical review, showing that behind the mysterious veil of concepts like<br />

‘bourgeois liberty’, ‘equality before the law’, etc., there is always hidden a precise historical content. In class<br />

society, a ‘nation’, as a homogeneous socio-political entity, does not exist; by contrast, in each nation there are<br />

classes with antagonistic interests and ‘rights’.” 251<br />

Rosa Luxemburg’s theoretical and political position was a world away from those defended by the<br />

International’s principal ‘tenors’, who allowed a patriotic and nationalist ideology to develop within the ranks of<br />

the workers’ movement. Jaurès, for example, declared that socialism would be “the universal fatherland of<br />

independent and friendly nations”. Kautsky, already a ‘centrist’, wrote in 1909 that “We are not anti-national,<br />

any more than we are hostile or indifferent to the personality”. And he reproached Bauer, the specialist on the<br />

national question in the Austro-Hungarian party, for failing to carry out a “fundamental synthesis between<br />

252 253<br />

nationalism and internationalism”.<br />

In 1912, Pannekoek intervened on the national question with a pamphlet titled Class struggle and nation,<br />

published in Reichenberg (Liberec), an industrial town in Bohemia. It argued in the same sense as Josef Strasser,<br />

a member of the Austrian ultra-left. <strong>The</strong> Worker and the Nation, which Strasser published simultaneously in the<br />

same place, complemented Pannekoek’s pamphlet, and at times took its arguments further, and in a more radical<br />

direction. 254 <strong>The</strong>ir intervention was an overall attack on the positions of the Austro-Marxist Otto Bauer, and<br />

thence against the penetration of Austro-Hungarian Social-Democratic Party by nationalist ideology. This party<br />

was a federation of six national parties; it was divided, not into sections but into nations. <strong>The</strong> most virulent<br />

nationalists within the “Gesamtpartei” (the ‘Overall Party’) were the Czech separatists, who in 1906 seceded<br />

with the Czech trade unions. Simultaneously, a nationalist tendency developed within the Austrian party, which<br />

was in favour of a greater <strong>German</strong> imperialism.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is no doubt that Otto Bauer’s book <strong>The</strong> question of nationalities and the social democracy (1907) served<br />

as a theoretical cover for the nationalist tendencies within the social democracy. 255 Defining the ‘nation’ as a<br />

community of language, character and destiny, Bauer defended the idea of a specific ‘national individuality’. His<br />

viewpoint was in fact close to that of Kautsky and other theoreticians of the International, when he maintained<br />

that the socialist project would be characterised not by the destruction of nations to form a world human<br />

community, but by a federation of nations: “international unity within national diversity”. 256<br />

250 Pannekoek, Divergences tactiques [...], op. cit., in Bricianer, p. 93.<br />

251 See the introduction by Georges Haupt in the book by G. Haupt, M. Löwy, Cl. Weill: Les marxistes et la question<br />

nationale 1848-1914 (études et textes) (Paris: Maspéro, 1974).<br />

252 Luxemburg, in: G. Haupt, op. cit., “<strong>The</strong> national question and autonomy”, pp. 184-203.<br />

253 Kautsky, in: G. Haupt, op. cit., p. 147.<br />

254 J. Strasser, A. Pannekoek, Nation et lutte de classe (Paris: ed. 10/18, 1977) [with an introduction by Claudie Weill].<br />

Contains Strasser’s ‘On internationalism. <strong>The</strong> Worker and the Nation’, and Pannekoek’s ‘Class struggle and Nation’.<br />

[Reprint in <strong>German</strong> of the J. Strasser’s pamphlet: Der Arbeiter und die Nation (Vienna: Junius, 1982).]<br />

255 Extracts available in: G. Haupt, op. cit., pp. 233-272.<br />

256 <strong>The</strong> Pannekoek’s quotations that follow are translated from the French version of the text already cited, “Class struggle<br />

and Nation”.<br />

84

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