The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
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‘Great Night’: “[passive radicalism] foresees revolutionary explosions as cataclysms appearing out of nowhere,<br />
as if from another planet, independently of our will and action, to give capitalism the coup de grace”. 235<br />
<strong>The</strong> main points of the revolutionary critique of kautskyism, which the <strong>Dutch</strong> <strong>Left</strong> consigned definitively to the<br />
revisionist camp, were as follows:<br />
– in the era of imperialism and great capitalist coalitions, capitalism can no longer accord the proletariat lasting<br />
reforms, condemning the latter to defensive actions against the deterioration of its living conditions. <strong>The</strong> mass<br />
strike is the typical form of struggle in the imperialist era, and ceases to be a struggle for reforms: “...the class<br />
struggle becomes more bitter, and tends to generalise; the combat’s motive force is no longer the hope of<br />
improving the class’ situation, but increasingly the sad necessity to confront the deterioration in its living<br />
conditions [...] Mass action is a natural consequence of modern capitalism’s development into imperialism; it is<br />
the form of combat against capital which is more and more forced on the working class.”<br />
– mass action is seen sometimes as “correcting parliamentary action”, sometimes as an “extra-parliamentary<br />
political activity of the organised working class”. 236 Above all, it means spontaneous action, regrouping the<br />
active and conscious majority of workers, which implied both their own organisation and discipline. Without<br />
giving this organisation a name – the workers’ councils? – Pannekoek emphasised one major fact: the<br />
proletariat’s ability to organise itself, in massive struggle outside parliament: “[<strong>The</strong> mass] was passive, it<br />
becomes an active mass, an organism with its own life, cemented and structured by itself, with its own<br />
consciousness and its own organs”.<br />
– in mass action, the role of the party is decisive; it is an active factor, catalysing the revolutionary action that it<br />
both leads and organises, “because it bears an important part of the masses’ capacity for action”. But this leading<br />
role is spiritual rather than material; the party’s role is not to command the proletariat like an army general staff:<br />
“[the party] is not the bearer of the entire will of the proletariat as a whole, and it cannot therefore give it an<br />
order to march as if commanding soldiers”. 237<br />
– violent confrontation with the state, disposing of every means of repression, cannot stop the proletariat; the<br />
ruling class can destroy the form of proletarian organisation, but not its ‘spirit’, which persists in the working<br />
masses educated with a spirit of organisation, cohesion and discipline. Thus the state “can only destroy the<br />
proletarian organisation’s outside envelope, not its being”. This is fully verified in revolutionary action, where<br />
the organisation is tempered, and in the fire of experience becomes “as solid as steel”.<br />
– finally, returning to the question of the party, Pannekoek declared that the political party cannot be a mass<br />
organisation, but must be a trained nucleus which cannot substitute itself for the will of the masses: “But ‘we’<br />
are not the masses; we are only a little group, a nucleus. <strong>The</strong> course of events is determined by what the masses<br />
do, not by what we want”. 238 This conception was to be developed at length by the <strong>German</strong>-<strong>Dutch</strong> <strong>Left</strong> during<br />
the 20s.<br />
But Pannekoek’s essential contribution in the debate on the mass strike lay less in his analysis of the role of the<br />
party, which he largely shared with Rosa Luxemburg, as in that of the finality of the revolution. If, as Pannekoek<br />
noted in 1912, each strike “now appears as an explosion, a small-scale revolution” 239 , this is because it is part of<br />
a long term process of confrontation with and finally destruction of the capitalist state: “<strong>The</strong> [proletariat’s]<br />
combat only ends with the complete destruction of state organisation”.<br />
This new conception of the relationship between the proletariat and the state was world’s apart from that of both<br />
the official Social democracy and Kautsky. For the latter, there was no change in the tactics of the Social<br />
235 A. Pannekoek, ‘Mass Action and Revolution’, in: op. cit., pp. 322-323 & 298.<br />
236 A.Pannekoek, ‘Marxist <strong>The</strong>ory and Revolutionary Tactics’, in: op. cit., 407; ‘Mass Action and Revolution’, in: op. cit.,<br />
p. 313.<br />
237 A.Pannekoek, ‘Marxist <strong>The</strong>ory and Revolutionary Tactics’, in: op. cit., p. 414.<br />
238 A.Pannekoek, ‚Partei und Masse’, in: Bremer Bürgerzeitung, 4 th July 1914.<br />
239 A.Pannekoek, ‘Mass Action and Revolution’, in: op. cit.; see also: Pannekoek, Der Kampf der Arbeiter (Leipzig:<br />
Leipziger Volkszeitung, 1909), p. 30: “Behind each temporary demand, the capitalists see lurking the hydra of revolution”.<br />
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