The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
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strike”. Moreover, Kautsky declared, the content of social democracy’s principles is not that of an ‘abstract’<br />
socialism: “Social democracy continues to mean republican by its nature”. 231<br />
Pannekoek chose a quite different terrain. Supported by the Bremen <strong>Left</strong> and the <strong>Dutch</strong> Tribunists, between 1910<br />
and 1912 he launched into a fundamental debate against Kautsky. Since 1909, the Tribunists’ relations with<br />
Kautsky had deteriorated considerably, partly because of the Tribunist split from the SDAP, but above all<br />
following the publication of Pannekoek’s book Tactical Disagreements in the Workers’ Movement. Quite apart<br />
from its general theoretical orientation against revisionism, this book was one of the first milestones in the<br />
Marxist <strong>Left</strong>’s break with parliamentarism and official unionism.<br />
d) <strong>The</strong> new tactic of mass action: Pannekoek vs. Kautsky – the question of the state<br />
While emphasising that parliamentarism had played a positive role in the proletariat’s history (“parliamentarism<br />
has [...] metamorphosed the proletariat, created by capitalism’s enormous development, into a conscious and<br />
organised class, ready for struggle”) 232 , Pannekoek emphasised that it could never serve as an instrument of<br />
proletarian rule; it is more the “normal form of bourgeois political domination”. And he warned against the<br />
electoralism (‘Nur-Parlementarismus’ or ‘Nothing-but- parliamentarism’) developing in the social democracy.<br />
In doing so, the position of Pannekoek and the Tribunists looked back to Marx and Engels’ denunciation of<br />
‘parliamentary cretinism’. On this point, Rosa Luxemburg and the <strong>German</strong> <strong>Left</strong> had an identical position.<br />
On the union question, the position defended by the <strong>Dutch</strong> was much more radical than Rosa Luxemburg’s.<br />
While agreeing with her that the unions should be subordinated to the party and its revolutionary programme,<br />
and that the political and union struggles should be merged “into a unified struggle against the ruling class”,<br />
Pannekoek declared that it was impossible to conduct a revolutionary struggle within the unions. Structurally,<br />
the unions stood, not on the terrain of the class struggle, but on that of the bourgeois state, and so could not be<br />
organs of an <strong>German</strong> <strong>Communist</strong> <strong>Left</strong> of revolutionary struggle: “the unions do not situate themselves at all as<br />
capitalism’s adversaries, but are on the contrary on the same terrain as it [...] <strong>The</strong> unions are not the direct organ<br />
of the revolutionary class struggle; their aim is not the overthrow of capitalism. Quite the reverse, they are a<br />
necessary element for the stability of a normal capitalist society.” This – very contradictory – analysis heralded<br />
the rejection of the union structure as an instrument of the struggle, and even of any ‘revolutionary’ union<br />
structure. Kautsky presented this position as syndicalist 233 , but Pannekoek’s left contained the seeds of the antitrade<br />
union principle adopted by the <strong>German</strong> <strong>Communist</strong> <strong>Left</strong> in the 1920s.<br />
Pannekoek’s critique of Kautsky, in its fully mature form in the 1912 texts ‘Mass Action and Revolution’ and<br />
‘Marxist <strong>The</strong>ory and Revolutionary Tactics’ as a political and theoretical vision was much deeper than that of<br />
Luxemburg, who in this debate remained essentially on the terrain chosen by Kautsky. 234<br />
First of all, Pannekoek demonstrated the convergence between Kautsky’s old radicalism and revisionism; the<br />
‘passive radicalism’ of the kautskyist centre had a definite end point – the derailment of the revolutionary<br />
struggle onto the parliamentary and trades union terrain: “This passive radicalism converges with revisionism in<br />
the sense that it leads to the exhaustion of our conscious activity in the parliamentary and trade union struggle”.<br />
From the theoretical viewpoint, kautskyism was a non-will to action, and a fatalism that converged with the<br />
apocalyptic and catastrophist view of the revolution common to the anarchists in the form of the ‘miracle’ of a<br />
231 K. Kautsky, ‚Zwischen Baden und Luxemburg’, Die Neue Zeit, 1910 [pp. 652-667], in: op. cit., p. 236.<br />
232 Pannekoek, Divergences tactiques au sein du mouvement ouvrier, quoted in Bricianer, op. cit., pp. 75 and 80.<br />
233 K. Kautsky, ‚Der jüngste Radikalismus’, in: Die Neue Zeit, 1912, pp. 436-446. To which Pannekoek answered defiantly,<br />
“Well! Let’s go for revolutionary syndicalism!” to close the debate with Kautsky (in: ‘Zum Schluss’, Die Neue Zeit, 1912,<br />
pp. 611-612).<br />
234 In French in: Pannekoek–Kautsky–Luxemburg, op. cit., pp. 297-335 & 387-415. In <strong>German</strong>, in: A. Grünenberg, op. cit.<br />
79