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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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<strong>The</strong> <strong>Dutch</strong> <strong>Left</strong> never considered the relationship between religion and socialism as merely a matter for<br />

philosophical debate. Tribunism’s first concern (see Chap. I) was to distinguish itself from the revisionists in the<br />

Party and the unions whose ‘neutrality’ in this respect in fact concealed and reduced to silence the Marxist<br />

critique of religion; its second was to distinguish itself from bourgeois anti-clericalism, which was often, as in<br />

France for example, supported by fractions of the socialist movement, and whose effect was to lead the<br />

proletariat onto a foreign terrain, in other words into alliances with the bourgeoisie’s ‘radical’ fractions, and<br />

away from the specific terrain of the working class, the class struggle.<br />

<strong>The</strong> thesis defended by the <strong>Dutch</strong> <strong>Left</strong> in Pannekoek’s pamphlet Religion and socialism (1906) was new to<br />

social democracy, and seemed surprising given the fact that important sectors of the working class were still<br />

dominated by religion. According to Pannekoek, “in today’s modern proletariat, irreligion is becoming a mass<br />

phenomenon”. 189 Religion, defined as “the belief in a supernatural being who supposedly rules the world and<br />

controls human history”, was disappearing from the proletariat. Only the ruling classes, having in their ascendant<br />

period been anti-religious and materialist (in the bourgeois sense) were becoming receptive to religion. <strong>The</strong> latter<br />

was taking refuge in the ruling classes confused and assailed by doubts as to their system’s viability. This new<br />

bourgeois religiosity expressed the bourgeoisie’s ‘false consciousness’, for which capitalist society is an<br />

“incomprehensible domain full of secrets”.<br />

<strong>The</strong> political conclusion drawn by Pannekoek was that the revolutionary proletariat should not take its stand on<br />

the terrain simply of struggle against religion. <strong>The</strong> problem was not one of “guiding men towards a new religious<br />

faith”, or an “irreligious unbelief”, but of guiding the proletariat toward the “taking in hand of social and<br />

political power”. In this sense, the proletariat should be, not ‘irreligious’, but ‘non-religious’. <strong>The</strong> pamphlet’s<br />

analysis, which criticised classical bourgeois 18 th century materialism, entirely orientated towards the critique of<br />

religion, was judged harshly by Plekhanov, who saw it as ‘extremely suspect’. 190 In fact, the opposition between<br />

Pannekoek and Plekhanov – and later Lenin – foreshadowed the debate on bourgeois materialism during the<br />

1930’s, around Pannekoek’s Lenin as Philosopher (see below, Chapter 7).<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Dutch</strong> <strong>Left</strong>’s vision was unquestionably orientated entirely towards the essential question for Marxism: the<br />

development of the class struggle towards the seizure of power. However, it remained within the framework of<br />

the social democracy, considering that for workers and members of the party, religion should remain a ‘private<br />

affair’ (Privatsache): “This is why in our Party, religion is considered as something private. This means that we<br />

do not demand from any of our comrades in the struggle, a profession of faith on particular opinions in this<br />

domain; still less do we require that they should demonstrate their belief in Marx’s theory of value, although we<br />

all recognise without hesitation this theory’s great importance for our movement.”<br />

While emphasising that there should be no sign of ‘weakness’ or ‘toleration for opportunist motives’ towards<br />

religion, Pannekoek made a principle of ‘neutrality’ in this respect. Not without ambiguity – which indeed was<br />

common to the whole social democracy at the time – he declared that socialism does not show “any hostility<br />

towards religion, which – thanks to our historical materialist viewpoint – we can understood and evaluate as<br />

temporarily necessary”.<br />

This conclusion, which counted on the progressive disappearance of religious illusions within the proletariat<br />

could seem like an under-estimation of religion’s weight within the working class, and especially within the<br />

189 A. Pannekoek, Religion und Sozialismus. Eiin Vortrag, op. cit., pp. 7 & 27.<br />

190 G. Plekhanov, ‘À propos de la brochure de Pannekoek’, 1907, in : Œuvres philosophiques, Vol. 3 (Moscow: Éditions du<br />

progrès, 1981), pp. 93-97. Plekhanov’s criticism is riddled with quibbling pedantry. Pannekoek is said to write “very bad<br />

articles for the Neue Zeit, and not to have understood that religion is belief in one or several gods’, not in a supernatural<br />

being”. Pannekoek knows nothing about the historical process of the emergence of religions. In fact, behind this<br />

‘demolition’ of Pannekoek lie two major disagreements. <strong>The</strong> first is Pannekoek’s assertion that “the class in question is<br />

becoming less and less religious”. <strong>The</strong> second, and the more important, lay in Plekhanov’s defence of 18 th century bourgeois<br />

materialism: “[...] ‘bourgeois materialism’ was limited compared to today’s dialectical materialism. But there can be no<br />

question of opposition between them. ‘Bourgeois materialism’, or more precisely the classical materialism of the 17 th and<br />

18 th centuries, has not been ‘forgotten’, as Pannekoek would have it, but has been born again in the ‘system’ of Marx”.<br />

68

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