The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
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ended in defeat – but whatever helps to strengthen it in the long term. However, in a somewhat contradictory<br />
reasoning, Pannekoek shows that class interests and morality often diverge, since “it is not that which is useful to<br />
the class that is moral; on the contrary, that which in general is normally directed towards the advantage and<br />
interest of the class is moral”. 180<br />
Significantly, Pannekoek and the <strong>Dutch</strong> <strong>Left</strong> were to abandon bit by bit this problematic, which was clearly<br />
marked by the debate against the revisionists and the neo-Kantians. Especially after 1905, the fundamental<br />
problem for the <strong>Dutch</strong> left was no longer the question of ‘proletarian morality’, but of class-consciousness. In the<br />
end, the real proletarian ‘morality’ lies in the formation and strengthening of its class consciousness, as a<br />
precondition of the socialist goal.<br />
d) <strong>The</strong> <strong>Dutch</strong> <strong>Left</strong>’s conception of class consciousness<br />
For the Marxist <strong>Left</strong>, the proletariat’s strength did not lie in its numbers, concentration and economic importance<br />
alone. It became a class both in and for itself from the moment that it becomes aware not just of its strength, but<br />
of its own interests and goals. It is consciousness that brings the working class into existence. <strong>The</strong> class is selfaware:<br />
“It is only thanks to consciousness that weight of numbers is transformed into a force for the class itself,<br />
and that the latter is able to grasp that it is vital to the productive process; only thanks to consciousness can the<br />
proletariat fulfil its interests and achieve its aims. Only class consciousness makes it possible for this inert,<br />
immense and muscular body to exist and become capable of action.” 181<br />
Pannekoek and the <strong>Dutch</strong> <strong>Left</strong> followed the classical Marxist movement in highlighting the different degrees of<br />
class-consciousness, which can only be understood historically. At first, class-consciousness is neither complete,<br />
nor “adjudged” – to use the Lukács’ formulation 182 – as it would be conditionally and ideally had it reached<br />
maturity. <strong>The</strong> primitive and still immediate form of class-consciousness, though still indispensable for the<br />
struggle, is the ‘mass instinct’, or ‘class instinct’. While demonstrating that this instinct is spontaneous action,<br />
“action determined by immediate feeling as opposed to action based on intelligent thought”, Pannekoek declared<br />
that “the instinct of the masses is the lever for humanity’s political-revolutionary development”. 183 This assertion<br />
may seem somewhat paradoxical, since it looks like a glorification of the immediate ‘class instinct’. In fact, this<br />
was not the case. For Pannekoek, this instinct was ‘immediate class consciousness’, which had not yet reached<br />
the political and socialist form. In polemics against the revisionists and kautskyists (see below), the Marxist <strong>Left</strong><br />
often emphasised the ‘healthy and sure’ class instinct, meaning by this the workers’ class interests curbed by the<br />
bureaucratised party and trade union apparatus.<br />
Although it has often (in particular by the ‘Leninist’ current represented above all by Bordiga’s followers) been<br />
accused, along with Rosa Luxemburg, of a form of spontaneism 184 , for the <strong>Dutch</strong> <strong>Left</strong> there was nothing<br />
‘spontaneous’ about class consciousness; they had no ‘mystique’ of irrational action along the lines of Sorel.<br />
Insisting that class-consciousness is neither a group social psychology nor an individual consciousness, the<br />
<strong>Dutch</strong> Marxists put forward a definition which is far removed from ‘spontaneism’:<br />
– Consciousness within the proletariat is a collective will, organised as one body; its form is necessarily the<br />
organisation which gives unity and cohesion to the exploited class: “the organisation groups together in one<br />
framework individuals who were previously atomised. Before the organisation, each individual’s will was<br />
expressed independently of all the others; the organisation means the unity of all individual wills acting in the<br />
180 Pannekoek, idem, p. 21.<br />
181 Pannekoek, Divergences tactiques au sein du mouvement ouvrier, quoted in Bricianer, op. cit., p. 56.<br />
182 György (Georg) Lukács, History and Class Consciousness (London: Merlin Press, 1991). [Histoire et conscience de<br />
classe (Paris: Éditions de Minuit, 1960), p. 73.]<br />
183 Pannekoek, ‘Der Instinkt der Massen’, in: Bremer Bürgerzeitung, reprinted by Hans Manfred Bock in: Jahrbuch 3: ‚Die<br />
Linke in der Sozialdemokratie’ (Frankfurt/Main: Fischer Taschenbuch, 1975), pp. 137-140.<br />
184 It is the point of view of the Leninist ‘fundamentalist’ current, organised in the bordigist circles.<br />
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