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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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Wijnkoop’s suggestion, the SDP’s Leiden congress (6 th -7 th June 1914) adopted the slogan “Indië los van<br />

Holland”: the separation of Indonesia and Holland. This slogan concretised the policy officially adopted by the<br />

2 nd International. But the SDP’s colonial policy immediately led it into ambiguities in relation to the expanding<br />

Indonesian nationalist movement. <strong>The</strong> party declared its uncritical solidarity with the Indische Partij, formed in<br />

1908 and led by Ernest Douwes Dekker (1879-1950), a distant Indonesian relative to Multatali, in exile in<br />

Holland. It even opened the pages of De Tribune 122 to the nationalist leader, whose aim was independence in<br />

cooperation with the Asian ‘elites’, in other words with the Asian national bourgeoisie (Japan). This was the<br />

forerunner of a policy subjecting the ‘native’ proletariat to the Asian bourgeoisie, which was to be fully<br />

developed by the Komintern, and of which Sneevliet was one of the main architects.<br />

<strong>The</strong> ambiguities of the SDP’s policy on the colonial problem were laid bare when Sneevliet returned to<br />

Indonesia between 1913 and 1918. Sneevliet, who was formally a member of the SDAP until 1916, worked<br />

locally with members of the SDP. Settled in Samarang – a large port on the north coast of Java – he entered the<br />

leadership of the rail and tram workers’ union (“Vereeniging van Spoor- en Tram Personeel – VSTP), the only<br />

union to admit Indonesian workers, and which was to form the proletarian base of the future Indonesian<br />

<strong>Communist</strong> Party. In May 1914, on Sneevliet’s initiative – thus applying the resolution of the Paris international<br />

congress – was formed the Indonesian Social-Democratic Union (“Indische Sociaal Democratische Vereeniging”<br />

– ISDV). This organisation had some hundred <strong>Dutch</strong> members, including a few Javanese and Indo-Europeans. In<br />

1915, it published a bi-monthly in <strong>Dutch</strong>: Het Vrije Woord (‘Free Speech’), led by Sneevliet and Asser Baars. In<br />

1917, it published the first Indonesian language socialist paper: Soeara Merdika (‘Free Speech’). <strong>The</strong> ambiguity<br />

of the ISDV’s existence lay in its close relations with the nationalist organisations. Of these, the most important<br />

were Sarekat Islam (Islamic Union), formerly formed in 1912 – it was founded in reality in 1909 under the name<br />

of Sarekat Dagang Islamiyah – by Muslim tradesmen to spread their influence over the workers and peasants,<br />

and Douwes Dekker’s Indische Partij, founded in 1908, mostly made up of Indo-European office workers, and<br />

renamed ‘Insulinde’ after its dissolution in 1913. Sneevliet and other members of the ISDV also belonged to the<br />

‘Insulinde’ movement. But above all, after 1916 the ISDV broke with ‘Insulinde’, which defended a pro-<br />

Japanese policy and the nationalist slogan of ‘Java for the Javanese’, and allied itself closely to the Sarekat<br />

Islam. Indonesian members of the ISDV, like Samoen, were simultaneously members, and even leaders, of the<br />

Islamic movement. During the war, the ISDV recruited a considerable number of Indonesians from Sarekat<br />

Islam, which had some 20,000 members (against 7,000 for the Indische Partij). One of them – briefly – was<br />

Sukarno, the future nationalist leader – leader of the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI) formed in 1927 – and<br />

president of Indonesia in 1946. This policy prefigured, in embryonic form, the policy adopted in China after<br />

1921 – with the encouragement of Sneevliet and the Komintern – of a united front, even to the point of a fusion<br />

of nationalist and communist organisations (the Kuomintang and the Chinese CP). Nevertheless since 1916 – in<br />

De Tribune, October 14, 1916 –, a leader of the Tribunist left – Barend Luteraan – warned against “the error of<br />

the revolutionists” of the Western countries to invite “to support the ideology of Islam”.<br />

During the war, the positions adopted by Sneevliet and his organisation against the war, for Zimmerwald, for the<br />

Russian Revolution, and for a Third International, undoubtedly demonstrate the internationalist nature of the<br />

ISDV. In March 1916, Sneevliet and his supporters left the local SDAP to join the Tribunist SDP. Thanks to the<br />

Russian Revolution, the ISDV was becoming more and more revolutionary; the right wing of the organisation<br />

split to join the Indonesian Social Democratic Party, the Indonesian branch of the SDAP. In fact, from 1917<br />

onwards the ISDV’s entire activity was directed towards support for the Russian, then for the <strong>German</strong><br />

revolutions. <strong>The</strong> only revolutionary movement in which the ISDV took part was that of the soldiers and sailors<br />

of the <strong>Dutch</strong> fleet in Surabaya (Java’s second town, on the north coast). Sneevliet’s participation in the<br />

movement led to his expulsion from Indonesia in December 1918. In 1920, the Indonesian <strong>Communist</strong> Party<br />

(PKI) was formed from the ISDV and Indonesian trade unionists linked to the nationalist movement.<br />

Significantly, within the Komintern Sneevliet represented the PKI and the ‘left wing’ of Sarekat Islam. This<br />

122 De Tribune, No. 89, Augustus 1914.<br />

50

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