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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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While remaining weak in numbers, the SDP became a political force to be reckoned with, especially during the<br />

war (see Chapter 3).<br />

<strong>The</strong> struggle against the war had been a constant concern of the Tribunist movement even before the formation<br />

of the SDP. In a 1907 article by Van Ravesteyn, the Tribunists rejected the 2 nd International’s distinction<br />

between ‘defensive’ and ‘offensive’ wars. Wars could no longer be ‘progressive’; history had changed, and it<br />

was no longer possible to use the schema of ‘bourgeois revolutions’ of the 19 th century: “<strong>The</strong> proletariat can<br />

draw this conclusion from history, for its action today: as long as class society and national antagonisms exist, it<br />

will always be impossible to establish a clear distinction between offensive and defensive wars. War, every war,<br />

must be fought by every means possible.” 118 This position, directly opposed to the conceptions of Jaurès, was<br />

wholly in accord with that of Luxemburg and the <strong>German</strong> left.<br />

In November 1912, the SDP sent Gorter and Wijnkoop as delegates to the Extraordinary Congress in Basle,<br />

Switzerland, to put forward a determinedly internationalist resolution against the imminent threat of war. To do<br />

so, Gorter prepared a speech against militarism and imperialism, parts of which were included in a pamphlet<br />

written by Gorter in October 1914 (see Chapter 3). It demonstrated not only the imperialist nature of all states –<br />

the same position as that defended by Luxemburg at the time – but also the danger of the pacifist current in the<br />

International. Significantly, its conclusion was on the unity of the international proletariat created by<br />

imperialism, a theme which was constantly taken up later by left communism. <strong>The</strong> SDP proposed an amendment<br />

to the Congress resolution, which was rejected. <strong>The</strong> amendment called for a protest strike should world war<br />

break out, and was careful to distinguish this position from the idea of a ‘general strike’ put forward by the<br />

anarchists. However, debates on this question were banned during the Congress, and Gorter’s speech could not<br />

be delivered. 119<br />

<strong>The</strong> Basle Manifesto did not say a word on the question of ‘defence of the fatherland’, nor on Jaurès’ distinction<br />

between ‘offensive’ and ‘defensive’ war. In the religious atmosphere of Basle cathedral, heightened by the<br />

ringing of bells, the revolutionary voice of the SDP found no echo in the International; it was drowned out by the<br />

impassioned pacifist speech of Jaurès.<br />

<strong>The</strong> SDP and the colonial question – <strong>The</strong> Tribunists and Sneevliet in Indonesia<br />

As in most of the industrialised European countries, the <strong>Dutch</strong> workers’ movement was confronted very<br />

concretely with the colonial question. <strong>The</strong> ‘jewel’ of the <strong>Dutch</strong> colonial empire were the <strong>Dutch</strong> East Indies (now<br />

Indonesia), whose exploitation assured the <strong>Dutch</strong> bourgeoisie a substantial profit. Some 100,000 Europeans (on<br />

a total population of 50 million) were settled in Indonesia. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Dutch</strong> proletariat was faced with a bloody<br />

colonial expansion, whose one major episode was the long and bloody Atjeh [Ace] war (Northern Sumatra), led<br />

by Muslim people, that came to an end in 1910 and cost 60,000 Acehnese lives, plus over 12,000 <strong>Dutch</strong> soldiers<br />

killed or dead from disease. For the <strong>Dutch</strong> Capital, it was vital to control the Malacca Strait, after the opening of<br />

the Suez Canal in 1869. <strong>Dutch</strong> colonial wars from 1904 to 1910, of which objective was to control all the islands<br />

(Ceram, Borneo, Celebes, Flores, Timor, Bali), took place till the eve of World War I.<br />

118 W. van Ravesteyn, ‘Angriffskrieg oder Verteidigungskrieg? Jaurès über den Ursprung des deutsch-französischen<br />

Krieges’, in: Die Neue Zeit, 1907-1908, Vol. I, pp. 388-389. Like Van Ravesteyn, Luxemburg condemned the opportunist<br />

positions defended by Jaurès in his book L’Armée nouvelle (1911): “Here again, we find as the basis for every political<br />

orientation the well-known distinction between defensive and offensive war, which once played an important part in the<br />

foreign policy of the socialist parties, but which, in the light of the experience of the last decades, should be purely and<br />

simply abandoned” (from the Leipziger Volkszeitung, 9 June 1911).<br />

119 See Gorter’s October 1914 preface to his pamphlet: Het imperialisme, de Wereldoorlog en de Sociaaldemocratie<br />

(Amsterdam: Brochurehandel Sociaal-Democratische Partij).<br />

47

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