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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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production are still persisting and with the development of capitalism are becoming more prolonged and<br />

extensive, so that ills that were once limited locally are more and more becoming world-wide catastrophes.” 85<br />

<strong>The</strong> majority in the SDAP considered these attacks on Troelstra’s revisionist theories to be merely personal.<br />

After this the revisionists forbade the selling of De Tribune at a public meeting where Troelstra was speaking,<br />

thus committing an extremely serious act in the history of the workers’ movement and in contradiction with the<br />

freedom of criticism in a workers’ party. This was the beginning of the process of the exclusion of Marxist<br />

positions, a process which was to accelerate brutally in the years following 1909.<br />

Gorter against Troelstra on the question of ‘proletarian morality’ (December 1908)<br />

During 1908, De Tribune published a collection of Gorter’s major contributions to the popularisation of<br />

Marxism: “Historical Materialism Explained to Workers”. Taking the example of the 1903 strike, Gorter showed<br />

that the class struggle produced an authentic class morality which entered into contradiction with the ‘general’<br />

morality defended by the supporters of the existing order. <strong>The</strong> materialist conception, defended by Gorter, which<br />

undermined the fundamentals of any religious morality, was violently attacked in parliament by the Calvinist<br />

delegate De Savornin Lohman on 19 th and 20 th November. In defending the unity of the nation, he accused social<br />

democracy of wanting to incite war between the classes and thus intoxicate the working class with Marxism.<br />

Instead of making a bloc with Gorter in the face of attacks by a representative of this bourgeois conception,<br />

Troelstra launched into a diatribe against Gorter, whom he presented as unrepresentative of the party and a mere<br />

caricature of Marxism. For him, morality was not determined by social relations; it was equally valid for the<br />

proletariat and the bourgeoisie. To support this he drew on the ambiguous concepts that Marx had used in the<br />

statutes of the 2 nd International: those of rights, duties and justice. 86 But Troelstra, by deliberately confusing<br />

values common to mankind and the official morality which he presented as universal, transformed the morality<br />

of the class struggle – guided by common interests and an activity aiming at victory – into a monstrosity.<br />

Gorter’s materialism was a pure appeal to murder and ended up in a vision of barbarism. According to him,<br />

Gorter, for example, would be against “a worker saving a capitalist’s son from drowning”. 87 Troelstra’s<br />

demagogy in this argument was identical to De Savornin Lohman’s, with whom he sided.<br />

Gorter replied spiritedly, as was his style, as much against De Savornin Lohman as Troelstra, with a rapidly<br />

written pamphlet, published for the needs of the struggle. 88 After a period of political isolation, he threw himself<br />

into the struggle for the party. Gorter focused sharply on the person of Troelstra who “in reality, in the essence of<br />

what he is saying, has chosen the camp of the bourgeoisie”. 89 He also showed that Troelstra was betraying<br />

Marx’s real thinking by using the ambiguous terms of the statutes of the 2 nd International. <strong>The</strong> correspondence<br />

between Marx and Engels, published some years later, triumphantly vindicated Gorter’s arguments. In a letter of<br />

4 th November 1884, Marx explained that he had been obliged to, make some concessions to the Proudhonists: “I<br />

85 See: R. Luxemburg: <strong>The</strong> Accumulation of Capital (New York: Routledge, 2003). Pannekoek’s critique – ‘<strong>The</strong>oretisches<br />

zur Ursache der Krisen’ – was published in Kautsky’s Die Neue Zeit, Vol. 31 (1912-1913), pp. 780-792.<br />

86 In a letter to Lion Philips, dated 29 November 1864, Marx explained very clearly why he had included these figures of<br />

speech inherited from a bygone era: “Out of politeness to the Italians and the French who always use grand phrases. I had to<br />

accept a few useless figures of speech in the Preamble to the Statutes, but not in the Address.” [quoted by R. Dangeville, Le<br />

Parti de classe : activité, organisation (Paris: ‘Petite collection Maspéro’, 1973)].<br />

87 This assertion by Troelstra is quoted in Gorter’s polemical pamphlet: Klassemoraal, een antwoord aan Jhr. de Savornin<br />

Lohman en Mr. P.J. Troelstra, leden der Tweede Kamer, Dec. 1908 (‘Class morality: an answer to jongheer De Savornin<br />

Lohman and Mr. P.J. Troelstra, members of Parliament’).<br />

On De Savornin Lohman, Christian conservative Calvinist politician, founder of the Christelijk Historische Unie (CHU) in<br />

June 1908, see: L.C. Suttorp: Jhr. Mr. A .E de Savornin Lohman (1837-1924): zijn leven en werken (<strong>The</strong> Hague: A.A.M.<br />

Stols, 1948).<br />

88 Adapted from the articles published in De Tribune, 5 th Dec. 1908.<br />

89 See: Klassemoraal, p. 11.<br />

39

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