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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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evolutionary situation, with the development of the proletariat’s political action, does the full dimension of the<br />

mass strike’s importance and extent appear”. 53<br />

Rosa Luxemburg, in her polemic against the revisionists, demonstrated better than anyone – except Pannekoek –<br />

the struggle’s homogeneity, that is to say, an identical and simultaneous phenomenon at the turn of the century<br />

spreading throughout Europe, including Holland, and as far as the American continent:<br />

“In 1900, according to the American comrades, the mass strike of the Pennsylvanian miners did more for the<br />

spread of socialist ideas than ten years of agitation; again in 1900 came the mass strike of the Austrian miners. In<br />

1902 that of the miners in France. Again in 1902 a strike paralysed the whole productive apparatus of Barcelona,<br />

in solidarity with the engineers’ struggle, while, still in 1902, a mass strike in Sweden demonstrated for universal<br />

suffrage; similarly in Belgium during the same year, while more than 200,000 farm workers throughout eastern<br />

Galicia struck in defence of the right to form trade unions; in January and April 1903, two mass strikes by <strong>Dutch</strong><br />

railwaymen, in 1904 a mass strike by rail workers in Hungary, in 1904 strikes and demonstrations in Italy, to<br />

protest against the massacres in Sardinia, in January 1905, mass strike by the Ruhr miners, in October 1905, a<br />

strike with demonstrations in Prague and the surrounding regions (more than 100,000 workers) for universal<br />

suffrage in the Galician regional parliament. In November 1905 mass strikes and demonstrations throughout<br />

Austria for universal suffrage in the Imperial Council, in 1905 once again a mass strike of Italian farm workers,<br />

and still in 1905, a mass strike of the Italian railway workers...” 54<br />

By preparing the political confrontation with the state, the mass strike poses the question of the revolution. Not<br />

only does it demonstrate the ‘revolutionary energy’ and the ‘proletarian instinct’ of the working masses – as<br />

Gorter emphasised after the 1903 strike 55 – it profoundly altered the whole situation at the turn of the century:<br />

“We have every reason to think that we have now embarked on a period of struggles, where what is at stake is<br />

the state’s power and institutions; combats that may last for decades through all kinds of difficulties, whose<br />

length cannot yet be foreseen, but which will very probably in the short term usher in a fundamental change in<br />

favour of the proletariat in the balance of class forces, if not the seizure of power by the workers in Western<br />

Europe.” 56<br />

<strong>The</strong>se remarks by Kautsky in his book “Der Weg zur Macht” (‘<strong>The</strong> Road to Power’) were to be taken up by the<br />

<strong>Dutch</strong> left against Kautsky and his supporters in the Netherlands, such as Troelstra and Vliegen. <strong>The</strong> 1901 strike<br />

did indeed pose the question of ‘reform or revolution’, and inevitably led, within the SDAP, to a confrontation<br />

with the reformists, who were betraying not only the Party’s revolutionary spirit, but the immediate struggle as<br />

well.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Marxist opposition within the SDAP (1903–1907)<br />

<strong>The</strong> opposition within the Party was to be all the more vigorous in that the consequences of the defeat of the<br />

strike, sabotaged by the Troelstra-Vliegen leadership, were a disaster for the workers’ movement. About 4,000<br />

workers were fired for strike action. <strong>The</strong> membership of the NAS, despite its militant position in the struggle and<br />

its opposition to Vliegen, fell from 8,000 in 1903 to 6,000 in 1904. Troelstra’s SDAP, now with a reputation for<br />

treason, also suffered a considerable drop in membership, from 6,500 members at the end of 1902, to 5,600 at<br />

53 Article by R. Luxemburg, ‘<strong>The</strong>ory and Practice’, Die Neue Zeit, Vol. 2, 1910. Amongst the texts in: A. Grünenberg (ed.),<br />

Die Massenstreikdebatte. Beiträge von Parvus, Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Kautsky und Anton Pannekoek (Frankfurt/Main:<br />

Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1970).<br />

54 See the same article, ibid., pp. 204-209.<br />

55 Intervention by Gorter at the SDAP’s 1903 9 th Congress; quoted by Rüter, op. cit., p. 573.<br />

56 K. Kautsky, as quoted by R. Luxemburg in her article ‘<strong>The</strong>ory and Practice’. Rosa Luxemburg makes polemical use of<br />

Karl Kautsky’s declarations in favour of revolution. Der Weg zur Macht (‘<strong>The</strong> Road to Power’), written in 1909, had been<br />

the swan-song of the ‘pope of Marxism’.<br />

33

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