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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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<strong>The</strong> Bond’s Unionist ‘tactic’ was in contradiction to its theoretical position on the role and function of unions in<br />

Western countries’ “semi-totalitarian society”. <strong>The</strong> unions had become organs of the capitalist state:<br />

“<strong>The</strong>re can be no question using the trade unions in the struggle for working conditions. <strong>The</strong> unions have<br />

become an integral part of the capitalist social order. <strong>The</strong>ir existence and disappearance are irrevocably tied to<br />

the survival and collapse of capitalism. In the future, there will be no question of the working class still finding<br />

advantages in the unions. Wherever the workers have begun and conducted a strike spontaneously, the unions<br />

have showed themselves to be strike-breakers.” 1228<br />

<strong>The</strong> Bond’s propaganda was thus an unequivocal denunciation of the unions. Not only should the workers carry<br />

out their own struggle against the unions, through the ‘wildcat strike’, they should also understand that any<br />

struggle conducted by the unions was a defeat:<br />

“Revolutionary propaganda does not call for the transformation of the unions; it consists in showing clearly that<br />

in the struggle the workers must thrust aside any union leadership, like vermin from their body. It must be said<br />

clearly that any struggle is lost in advance as soon as the unions manage to take control of it.”<br />

<strong>The</strong> ‘wildcat strike’ against the unions was the precondition for the formation of proletarian organisations in the<br />

struggle.<br />

• <strong>The</strong> movement of the class struggle and the councils<br />

<strong>The</strong> publication of <strong>The</strong> Workers’ Councils in January 1946 was a determining factor in orientating the Bond<br />

towards typically ‘councilist’ positions. Whereas before, the <strong>Communist</strong>enbond Spartacus had had an essentially<br />

political vision of the class struggle, it began to develop more and more economistic positions. <strong>The</strong> class struggle<br />

was seen more as an economic movement than as a process of increasing proletarian organisation.<br />

Pannekoek’s vision of the class struggle insisted more on the necessity for a general organisation of the class,<br />

than on the process of struggle. “Organisation”, he declared, “is the vital principle of the working class, the<br />

precondition of its emancipation”. 1229 This clear affirmation demonstrates that the council communist conception<br />

of the time was not the same as that of anarchism. Contrary to the latter, Pannekoek insisted that the class<br />

struggle is less a matter of ‘direct action’, than of a developing awareness of the goals of the struggle, and that<br />

consciousness precedes action:<br />

“Spiritual development is the most important factor in the proletariat’s seizure of power. <strong>The</strong> proletarian<br />

revolution is not the product of abrupt physical force; it is a victory of the spirit [...] in the beginning there was<br />

action. But action is nothing more than the beginning [...] Any unawareness, any illusion as to the essence, the<br />

goal, or as to the strength of the adversary, will end in misfortune, and defeat will establish a new slavery.” 1230<br />

It is this consciousness, developing within the class, which made possible the outbreak of unofficial or illegal<br />

strikes, “in opposition to the strikes declared by the trades unions, respecting the law”. Spontaneity is not the<br />

negation of organisation; on the contrary, “organisation is born spontaneously, immediately”.<br />

But neither consciousness, nor the organisation of the struggle, are aims in themselves. <strong>The</strong>y are expressions of a<br />

praxis where consciousness and organisation are part of a practical process of extending the struggle, which<br />

leads to the unification of the proletariat: “...the wildcat strike, like a prairie fire, spreads to other companies and<br />

See the article ‘Toon van den Berg’ (No. 2, February/March). <strong>The</strong> debate on the nature of the OVB can be found in UEK<br />

No. 17, 22 nd July 1951. In fact, the <strong>Dutch</strong> trotskysts played an important role inside the OVB, and one of their leaders,<br />

Herman Drenth (1916-2000), former builder of the CRM in 1941, was in the high bodies of the union.<br />

1228 De Nieuwe Wereld, April 1947, translated into bad French for the conference of 1947 and published as a pamphlet, Le<br />

Monde Nouveau.<br />

1229 <strong>The</strong> Workers’ Councils, chapter on ‘Direct Action’.<br />

1230 <strong>The</strong> Workers’ Councils, chapter on ‘Thought and Action’.<br />

305

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