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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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<strong>The</strong> – implicit – distinction made here between ‘ruled and rulers’, which was present in Djilas, can be seen as a<br />

forerunner of the future theory of the Socialisme ou Barbarie group. 1220 Unlike the latter, however, the<br />

<strong>Communist</strong>enbond Spartacus never abandoned the Marxist vision of class antagonism within capitalist society.<br />

Despite some hesitations in its theoretical analyses, the Bond was extremely clear as to their political<br />

consequences. Refusal to defend the capitalist USSR was a class frontier between the bourgeoisie and the<br />

proletariat: “Taking Russia’s side means abandoning the workers’ class front against capitalism”.<br />

Refusal to defend the USSR could only be revolutionary if it were accompanied by a call for the overthrow of<br />

the capitalist state in Russia by class struggle and the formation of workers’ councils:<br />

“Only the Soviets, the workers’ councils – as an autonomous workers’ power can take production in hand with a<br />

view to producing for the needs of the working population. In Russia, too, the workers must form the Third<br />

Front. From this point of view, there is no difference between Russia and other countries.”<br />

• <strong>The</strong> colonial and national question<br />

It was the beginning of a colonial war in Indonesia, which was to last until independence, and involved some<br />

150,000 <strong>Dutch</strong> soldiers for re-conquering the Indonesian Archipelago, after the defeat of Japan, which had<br />

granted ‘Independence’ to Sukarno in April 1945. As the United States, of which objective was to control South<br />

Asia, suspended post-war aid to the Netherlands (Marshall Plan money), <strong>Dutch</strong> government had to transfer<br />

sovereignty to the “Republic of United States of Indonesia” in December 1949.<br />

In 1945, the Bond’s position on the colonial question was barely different from that of the MLL Front. <strong>The</strong> Bond<br />

declared itself for the “separation” of the <strong>Dutch</strong> East Indies and Holland. Its position on the colonial question<br />

remained a Leninist one, and it even took part for a few months in an ‘anti-imperialist struggle committee’ (Antiimperialistisch<br />

Strijd Comité). This group brought together the trotskyist CRM, the left pacifist socialist group<br />

‘De Vonk’ and the <strong>Communist</strong>enbond, until the latter left it in December 1945. <strong>The</strong> Bond admitted that this<br />

committee was nothing but a “cartel of organisations”. 1221<br />

In fact, the Bond had no theoretical position on the national and colonial question. Implicitly, it adopted the<br />

positions of the Komintern’s 2 nd Congress. It thus stated that “the liberation of Indonesia is subordinate to and<br />

constitutes a component of the world proletariat’s class struggle”. 1222 At the same time, it showed that<br />

Indonesian independence was a dead end for the total proletariat: “<strong>The</strong>re is no possibility at present of a<br />

proletarian revolution [in Indonesia]”.<br />

Little by little, Pannekoek’s conception gained in influence. In <strong>The</strong> Workers’ Councils, without really taking<br />

position against the nationalist ‘liberation’ movements, Pannekoek considered that they would take place under<br />

American tutelage, and would lead to the industrialisation of the ‘liberated’ countries. This was the Bond’s<br />

official position in September 1945, on the Indonesian question. 1223 He considered that “the only remaining way<br />

forward is a future industrialisation of Indonesia, and a further intensification of labour”. <strong>The</strong> movement of<br />

decolonisation would be “supported by American capital”. It would be expressed in the creation of a state<br />

apparatus “turned against the poor”.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Bond still had great difficulty in determining its theoretical position on the ‘national question’. Having<br />

sprung from two different currents, one of which accepted the Baku <strong>The</strong>ses, while the other had adopted<br />

1220 <strong>The</strong> ‘Socialisme ou Barbarie’ group was a split from trotskyism. Its first issue was published in 1949. Its leading light<br />

was Cornelius Castoriadis (Chaulieu or Cardan). <strong>The</strong> theories of ‘rulers/ruled’ and ‘leaders/led’ were taken to their logical<br />

conclusion largely by spin-offs of ‘Socialisme ou Barbarie’ such as ICO. Henri Simon’s after the collapse of ICO published<br />

Liaisons.<br />

1221 <strong>The</strong> Bond’s conference of 27 th /28 th October 1945. See: UEK, No. 6, Dec. 1945.<br />

1222 Report of a member of the political commission on the Indonesian question, in: UEK, No. 6, Dec. 1945.<br />

1223 ‘Nederland-Indonesië’, in: Maandblad Spartacus, No. 9, Sept. 1945.<br />

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