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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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<strong>The</strong> support given to the various religious denominations in the Netherlands was essentially due to the rise of the<br />

class struggle, which provoked an ideological reaction from the liberal bourgeoisie in power. 38 Following the<br />

classic reasoning of the workers’ movement of the time, the <strong>Left</strong> pointed out that: “with the upsurge of the<br />

proletarian class struggle, the liberals, always and everywhere, look on religion as a necessary rampart for<br />

capitalism, and little by little abandon their resistance to religious schools.” 39<br />

Imagine the surprise of the Marxists, grouped around the periodical De Nieuwe Tijd, to see the revisionists come<br />

out openly in Parliament in favour of a vote for state support for the religious schools. Worse still, the socialist<br />

Groningen Congress (1902) clearly abandoned the whole Marxist combat against the grip of religious ideology.<br />

In a country where, for historical reasons, religion weighed heavily in its triple form of Catholicism, Calvinism<br />

and Judaism, this was a veritable capitulation: “<strong>The</strong> Congress... notes that the major part of the labouring class in<br />

the Netherlands demands a religious education for its children, and considers it undesirable to oppose this, since<br />

it is not for the social democracy to break – because of theological disagreements – the economic unity of the<br />

working class against both religious and non-religious capitalists.” 40<br />

<strong>The</strong> argument used here – the unity of religious and non-religious workers –presupposed the acceptance of the<br />

existing ideological and economic order. Thus, “with this resolution, the party [took] the first step on the road to<br />

reformism; it [meant] a break with the revolutionary programme, whose demand for the separation of church and<br />

state certainly does not mean state money for religious schools.” 41<br />

<strong>The</strong> argumentation, the unit of the believing workers and freethinkers, underlay the acceptance of the existing,<br />

ideological and economic order. Thus, “with this resolution, the Party had made the first step on the way of<br />

reformism; it (meant) breakdown with the revolutionary program, which claimed a radical separation of Church<br />

and State, and had certainly an other signification that state’s money for the religious schools”. 42 It is interesting<br />

to note that the <strong>Dutch</strong> left had no intention of glorifying the ‘lay’ school, whose pretended ‘neutrality’ it<br />

denounced. It did not base its position on a choice, false from the Marxist viewpoint, between ‘religious’ and<br />

‘lay’ schools. Its aim was to stand resolutely on the terrain of the class struggle; this meant rejecting any<br />

collaboration, under any pretext, with any ‘freethinker’ fraction of the bourgeoisie. <strong>The</strong> Marxists’ misgivings<br />

about the Party’s revisionist orientation were to prove well-founded in the heat of the workers’ struggle.<br />

<strong>The</strong> 1903 transport strikes<br />

This strike was the most important movement of the <strong>Dutch</strong> working class before World War I. It was to leave a<br />

deep mark on the proletariat, which felt betrayed by social democracy, and whose most militant fractions turned<br />

still more towards revolutionary syndicalism. From 1903 onwards, the split between Marxism and revisionism<br />

was underway, with no possibility of turning back. In this sense, the 1903 strike marks the real beginning of the<br />

‘Tribunist’ movement as a revolutionary movement.<br />

<strong>The</strong> transport strike was first and foremost a protest against conditions of exploitation that are hard to imagine<br />

today. <strong>The</strong> railwayman’s living conditions were worthy of the period of capitalism’s primitive accumulation<br />

during the 19 th century. 43 In 1900, they worked 361 days a year, with only four days of holiday. Moreover, a<br />

strong feeling of corporatism reduced the possibilities of a unified struggle, due to the divisions between<br />

38 See: Die Gründung…, op. cit., Chapter: ‘Die Schulfrage’ (‘<strong>The</strong> school question’).<br />

39 Congress Resolution, op. cit., p. 5.<br />

40 Op. cit., p. 6.<br />

41 Ibid.<br />

42 Ibid..<br />

43 It was not uncommon to find workers working six 14-hour days a week. On the inhuman conditions of the transport<br />

workers and the development of the <strong>Dutch</strong> workers’ movement in this period, see: A.J.C. Rüter, De spoorwegstakingen van<br />

1903, een spiegel der arbeidersbeweging in Nederland [‘<strong>The</strong> railway strikes in 1903 – a mirror of the workers’ movement<br />

in <strong>The</strong> Netherlands’] (Leiden: Brill, 1935; reprint, Nijmegen: SUN, 1978).<br />

30

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