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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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‘revolutionary uprise’. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Dutch</strong> workmen were taken between the hammer and the anvil: repression nazi and<br />

of her collaborators and adhesion with nationalist movements of resistance, which tried to divert the workers’<br />

strikes which had burst in 1943. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Dutch</strong> working class left her substance by the deportations and reinforced<br />

repression.<br />

In February 1943 <strong>Dutch</strong> authorities have been carried out to recruit by force workmen to work in <strong>German</strong>y.<br />

March 11, 1943, a decree was published ordering to the students to sign a declaration of ‘honesty’ and their will<br />

to work in <strong>German</strong>y once finished their studies. March 24, 1943 the <strong>Dutch</strong> doctors resigned their functions to<br />

protest against the <strong>German</strong> pressures on their profession.<br />

Himmler in February 1943 decided to re-intern 300,000 soldiers of the old army, which had been demobilized in<br />

June 1940 (decree published on April 29). In answer wild strikes broke out, with extension to the main sectors of<br />

the country, except the railwaymen. May first was proclaimed the state of emergency and there were bloody<br />

reprisals by Gestapo: shootings in the streets, executions of workmen, and even arrests of directors of factory to<br />

make them responsible for the break of work. In Maastricht and in the South (Limburg), the catholic clergy<br />

encouraged the strikers’ movement, in collaboration with illegal Orangist groups. <strong>The</strong> labour movement<br />

remained prisoner of its insertion in a vast ‘interclassist’ front of resistance to the wild requirements of the<br />

occupant, who had a solid apparatus of repression.<br />

May 7, 1943 more than 80 death-sentences had been carried out and 60 people were killed by random shootings<br />

in the streets. <strong>The</strong> same day, was published an order of the authorities of occupation obliging the men from 18 to<br />

35 years to be recorded in “the offices of work exchange”. 1186<br />

<strong>The</strong> last important strikes rose in 1944, but under the control of <strong>Dutch</strong> Resistance and the Orangist government<br />

of London. September 17, 1944, the railwaymen stopped work on instructions of the <strong>Dutch</strong> government in<br />

London. 1187<br />

<strong>The</strong> action of the members of Spartacusbond during this time was especially theoretical, fault of being able to<br />

form part of a fight of class against the war. This is why the texts of the Bond concentrated over the historical<br />

period lived by world capitalism.<br />

Stan Poppe’s pamphlet on <strong>The</strong> perspectives of imperialism after the war in Europe and the task of revolutionary<br />

socialists was written in December 1943 and published in January 1944. 1188 <strong>The</strong> text was strongly influenced by<br />

Lenin’s Imperialism, highest stage of capitalism, and claimed to represent the ‘scientific socialism of Marx,<br />

Engels and Lenin’, not of Rosa Luxemburg. It tried to define the course of capitalism and the revolutionary<br />

perspectives for the proletariat.<br />

<strong>The</strong> cause of the world war was “the general crisis of capitalism” since 1914. Poppe followed Lenin in defining<br />

the new period of crisis as imperialist and monopolist: “Lenin defined this final and highest stage as imperialist.<br />

Imperialism is the political side of a society that produces under a capitalist-monopolist mode”.<br />

This reference to Lenin is particularly interesting when we think that the ‘councilists’ of Spartacus were to<br />

define themselves as anti-Leninist.<br />

However, we can already see a certain theoretical reflection appearing under the text book reference to Lenin.<br />

Poppe understood the crisis as one of overproduction. This is expressed in state capitalism, which is the<br />

conclusion to the monopolist phase, and whose expression is the war economy. <strong>The</strong> latter invades the productive<br />

1186 P. J. Bouman, De april-mei-stakingen van 1943 (<strong>The</strong> Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1950); see in this book also the large<br />

chapter by Sijes on the strikes in the textile centre of Twente.<br />

1187 A.J.C. Rüter, Rijden en staken, de Nederlandse spoorwegen in oorlogstijd (<strong>The</strong> Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1960). [with<br />

an English summary].<br />

1188 De perspectiven van het imperialisme na de oorlog in Europa en de taak van de revolutionair-socialisten, Dec. 1943. It<br />

is remarkable that this pamphlet, ideas of which are far removed from council communist, should be cited as the Bond’s<br />

political basis in 1945, without any criticism of its content. See: ‘Beschouwingen over de situatie: de balans’, in: Spartacus,<br />

May 1945.<br />

289

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