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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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of the organisation. 31 He only devoted himself fully to the socialist movement between 1906 and 1914 in<br />

<strong>German</strong>y, when he really was a ‘professional revolutionary’. He was absent from Holland at the most crucial<br />

moment of the split between revisionists and Marxists.<br />

In this period of the slow development of the workers’ movement, the weight of personalities was still<br />

enormous. It was all the more negative in that the party leaders were avowed revisionists who used their<br />

organisational power to crush the party’s political life. Such was Troelstra, once a member of the Friesian<br />

Popular Party, then of the SDB. He was a Friesian poet in his spare time, with an interest in occultism and<br />

spiritualism. A lawyer, he was typical of the parliamentary politician, adept at backstairs manoeuvres. Regularly<br />

re-elected to parliament since 1897, at first by the backward peasants of Friesland, he had a tendency to identify<br />

himself with the interests of the petty-bourgeoisie. He was close to Bernstein, and in the final analysis<br />

considered himself a bourgeois liberal, to the point where in 1912 he could declare that “social democracy today<br />

plays the same part as the Liberal party around 1848”. 32 But he was sufficiently skilful to appear close to<br />

Kautsky’s Centre during the Congresses of the 2 nd International, in order to keep his hands free at home. He was<br />

deeply concerned to keep both his seat in Parliament and his control over the SDAP, and was ready for any<br />

manoeuvre to eliminate any criticism from the left, and even to exclude his Marxist opponents. Others were even<br />

more revisionist than Troelstra: the ex-typesetter Willem H. Vliegen (1862-1947), the ex-house painter Johan<br />

H.A. Schaper (1868-1934), and Henri H. van Kol (1852-1925) openly declared themselves against the<br />

revolutionary road, and for the ‘parliamentary road’ to socialism. All were members of Parliament. This<br />

reformist and revisionist right had its mass base in the few trades unions attached to the SDAP: the transport<br />

union (NVST) led by the reformist Jan Oudegeest (1870-1950), and above all the General Union of Diamond<br />

Workers (ANDB), founded in 1894 and led by Henri Polak (1868-1943). This latter, though he eventually joined<br />

the revisionists, was actively sympathetic towards the Tribunists.<br />

This weight of revisionist leaders in a newly created party, and one moreover that was formed as the result of an<br />

ambiguous split, was a serious barrier to the regroupment of the Marxist left.<br />

<strong>The</strong> left gathered around the periodical De Nieuwe Tijd. Behind Van der Goes were the new recruits to the<br />

SDAP: Gorter, Pannekoek, Roland Holst, Van Ravesteyn, Pieter Wiedijk and Wibaut, but also Wijnkoop and<br />

Henk J.F.M. Sneevliet. However, this left was not homogeneous, and at the crucial moment of the 1909 split,<br />

some of them abandoned it. At this point, Wibaut and van der Goes gave up. <strong>The</strong> generations of young Marxists<br />

who had joined the SDAP full of enthusiasm were not slow to see the turn towards revisionism in their party’s<br />

practice. As early as 1901, they began a bitter struggle to defend the revolutionary principles that were being<br />

trampled underfoot. <strong>The</strong>ir struggle was all the more intransigent in that militants like Gorter and Pannekoek had<br />

political ties, and even ties of friendship, with their ‘spiritual master’ Karl Kautsky. <strong>The</strong>y hoped that the latter<br />

would support them in the struggle against revisionism not just in the <strong>German</strong>, but also in the <strong>Dutch</strong> party. <strong>The</strong>y<br />

were sorely mistaken in the solidity of this support. 33<br />

31 In 1912 Pannekoek wrote to Kautsky that in general he preferred “only to contribute theoretical clarification”. He added.<br />

“You know that [...] I only allow myself to get dragged into practical struggles when I am forced to do so” (cited by B.A.<br />

Sijes, op. cit., p. 15). During Pannekoek’s period as a militant (1899-1921), this is certainly an exaggeration. But unlike<br />

Lenin and Luxemburg, Pannekoek felt himself to be more a ‘teacher’ than a man of action in the thick of the daily struggle.<br />

This ‘pedagogical’ spirit was to develop fully during the 1920s and 30s.<br />

32 P.J. Troelstra, De SDAP. Wat zij is en wat zij wil, Amsterdam 1912. Quoted by S. de Wolff, Voor het land van belofte. Een<br />

terugblik op mijn leven [‘For/Before the Promised Land. A backward glance at my life’] (Bussum 1954; Nijmegen: SUN,<br />

1978).<br />

Salomon (Sam) de Wolff (1878-1960) was a Tribunist from 1909 to 1913, before returning to the SDAP. He later became a<br />

Zionist, and after World War II a member of the Social-Democratic Labour Party (PvdA). Biography: A. A. de Jonge, in:<br />

Biografisch Woordenboek van Nederland, Part 2, <strong>The</strong> Hague, 1985.<br />

33 See: H. de Liagre Böhl, op. cit., pp. 23-25. As with Rosa Luxemburg, Gorter and Pannekoek’s friendship with Kautsky<br />

did not prevent their political divergences. Revolutionary truth came before personal feelings.<br />

28

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