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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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“Revolutionary revolution” in every country?<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Dutch</strong> council communists rejected all calls for intervention of the ‘democratic’ powers to come to the ‘aid’<br />

of the Spanish workers. <strong>The</strong>re could be no military aid to the proletariat. Any military aid would be used in the<br />

fight for domination by the rival imperialist powers to defend their own interests and “strangle the class<br />

struggle” in Spain. 1063 This aid which in appearance “would save the Spanish workers” would give the “coup de<br />

grace to the revolution”. <strong>The</strong> GI remarked bitterly that the class front had been transformed into the imperialist<br />

front onto the military terrain: “<strong>The</strong> struggle in Spain is taking on the character of international conflict between<br />

the great imperialist powers. [...] Modern weapons from abroad have displaced the struggle onto the military<br />

terrain and, consequently, the Spanish proletariat has submitted to imperialist interests, above all to Russian<br />

interests”. 1064<br />

<strong>The</strong> task of the hour for the revolutionary proletariat was thus to “make an [imperialist] intervention impossible<br />

by taking up the revolutionary struggle against its own bourgeoisie”. “It is only by taking this road that the<br />

international proletariat will in practice be able to show its solidarity with the Spanish workers” 1065 . It is very<br />

striking to see the viscerally ‘anti-Leninist’ GIG adopting the conception of Lenin in 1917 in order to<br />

demonstrate the impossibility of socialism in one country. Through the ‘Spanish case’, the GIC was renewing its<br />

ties with the tradition of the <strong>Dutch</strong> <strong>Left</strong> in 1917: as in Russia in 1917 – if the Spanish proletariat was to take<br />

power – it would exist an interdependence between the revolutionary struggles of any particular country and<br />

those of the rest of the world:<br />

“Without world revolution, we are lost, said Lenin. That is particularly valid for Spain... <strong>The</strong> development of the<br />

struggle in Spain depends on its development in the entire world; but the opposite is also true. <strong>The</strong> proletarian<br />

revolution is international; the reaction equally so. Any action of the Spanish proletariat will find an echo in the<br />

rest of the world; and here any explosion of class struggle is a support to the proletarian combatants of<br />

Spain.” 1066<br />

<strong>The</strong> GIC and the anarchist current<br />

Unlike the council communists of the USA, who maintained a conciliatory approach towards the CNT, the GIC<br />

undertook a bitter and uncompromising political struggle against the whole anarchist current. 1067 More than the<br />

Spanish stalinist CP and the Socialist Party, which were clearly integrated into the bourgeois state apparatus, the<br />

CNT appeared to the GIC as the main force responsible for the final defect of the Spanish proletariat. In 1936 the<br />

CNT – the political current representing the most combative workers – joined the ‘Union sacrée’ of the<br />

Republican parties. A reading of the GIC’s press shows that it attached a greater importance to a critique of the<br />

anarchist current than to that of the trotskyists. Not that the latter was absent; but it was more rare, though no less<br />

1063 ‘Lessen uit Spanje’, in: PIC No. 6, March 1937: “Through foreign intervention, this class struggle is more and more<br />

asphyxiated and the designs of the imperialist powers predominate in the war [...] This is no triumph of the democratic<br />

bourgeoisie, but in every case the dictatorship of big capital over the workers”.<br />

1064 ‚Der Anarchismus und die spanische Revolution’, in: Räte-Korrespondenz, No. 21, April 1937. <strong>The</strong> article of Räte-<br />

Korrespondenz, which seems to be by Helmut Wagner or by Paul Partos, copies entire passages, from different articles of<br />

the PIC. Some additions have been made, which do not correspond to the vision or the GIC on the nature of the<br />

government’s anarchism and the fight on the military fronts. Paul Partos (1911-1964), student in Berlin, became a close<br />

friend of Karl Korsch. He emigrated to France in 1933 and was associated with anarcho-syndicalist groups; he worked for<br />

the foreign propaganda section of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) during the Spanish Civil War.<br />

1065 Räte-Korrespondenz, No. 18/19, op. cit.<br />

1066 Räte-Korrespondenz, No. 22, July 1937, ‘Revolution und Konterrevolution in Spanien’, in: PIC, No. 10, June 1937.<br />

1067 Karl Korsch, a collaborator of Mattick’s group, made himself the leader of the cause of anarchist collectivisation. Cf.<br />

Economics and politics in revolutionary Spain, in: Living Marxism, No. 3, May 1938, ‘Collectivisation in Spain’, in: No. 6,<br />

April 1939.<br />

263

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