The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
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<strong>The</strong> first ‘minority’ was formed by a militant of the GIC who had on his own account joined the militias on the<br />
Aragon front. 1057 It was an isolated case in the GIC, but it was symptomatic that no explicit condemnation of his<br />
engagement was made. A larger minority, like the group ‘Proletariër’, analysed the ‘Spanish revolution’ as a<br />
bourgeois, anti-proletarian revolution. This minority, which was either a group of militants or a circle close to<br />
the GIC – the GIC’s organisational vagueness makes it impossible to be more precise – made a lucid appraisal of<br />
the ‘lessons of Spain’, but using a councilist method. 1058 It stated that “the struggle [in Spain] did not begin as a<br />
struggle for the liberation of the working class”. <strong>The</strong> workers were becoming the allies of the Republican<br />
bourgeoisie, prisoners of the false dilemma between fascism and democracy. It was no longer a question of a<br />
fight of class against class, but “of a struggle of parties, of opinions, of ideological groups” opening out into a<br />
conflict between the great military powers. Thus the class antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat had<br />
been wiped out. <strong>The</strong> minority thus concluded that the combat of the workers against the Popular Front was lost<br />
in advance. <strong>The</strong>re was no hope: “... the struggle in Spain is not and cannot serve as an example in order to draw<br />
the lessons for the struggle of the proletarian class... <strong>The</strong> struggle of the (Spanish) workers is a hopeless struggle<br />
for the preservation of the democratic bourgeoisie”. 1059<br />
<strong>The</strong> GIC distanced itself very clearly from both these ‘defeatist’ positions. <strong>The</strong> first because it led to the<br />
abandonment of the class struggle against the Republican regime, by proclaiming the number one task to be the<br />
struggle against Franco. <strong>The</strong> second because it proposed no fight-back against the Popular Front and no<br />
revolutionary perspective to the world proletariat in Spain and in Europe. 1060 Aware that for the Spanish workers<br />
to rally behind the Republican state and the UGT and CNT unions would lead to a bloody defeat, the GIC put<br />
forward the necessity of a political struggle of the Spanish and international proletariat against the bourgeoisie.<br />
‘<strong>The</strong> first task is the destruction of the state’<br />
For the GIC, there was no acquisition of the ‘Spanish revolution’ to defend. <strong>The</strong> installation of the ‘militias’ and<br />
the anarchist collectivisation had left in place the old state apparatus of the bourgeoisie. In October 1936, <strong>Dutch</strong><br />
Council <strong>Communist</strong>s denounced” the ‘militias’ as much as the ‘democratic parliament’ of the Republican<br />
bourgeoisie. <strong>The</strong> collectivisations had only strengthened the power of the state, through the mediation of the<br />
unions: “...the [collectivised] enterprises have been put under the control of the unions and work for military<br />
needs and the needs of the urban population. <strong>The</strong>re is no question of autonomous management of the<br />
workers”. 1061<br />
<strong>The</strong> first task of the proletariat in Spain could only be political. In order to defect the White armies of Franco,<br />
the Spanish workers would first have to smash the apparatus of the Republican state from top to bottom, by<br />
setting up real workers’ councils, the only form of proletarian power.<br />
“If the workers really want to form a defensive front against the Whites, they can only do so on the condition<br />
that they themselves seize political power instead of leaving it in the hands of the Popular Front government.<br />
That means the defence of the revolution is only possible on the basis of the dictatorship of the proletariat<br />
through the means of the workers’ councils, and not on the basis of the collaboration of all the anti-fascist<br />
parties... <strong>The</strong> destruction of the old state apparatus and the exercising of central functions of power by the<br />
workers themselves are the axis of the proletarian revolution.” 1062<br />
1057 ‘Lessen uit Spanje’, in: PIC, No. 3, Feb. 1937. <strong>The</strong> GIC specified that the article in question was not its own, but was a<br />
contribution to the discussion.<br />
1058 ‘Lessen uit Spanje’, in: PIC, No. 6, March 1937.<br />
1059 ‘Lessen uit Spanje (Diskussie artikel)’, in: PIC, No. 3, Feb. 1937.<br />
1060 ‘Het anarcho-syndicalisme in de spaansche revolutie’, in: PIC, No. 16, Oct. 1936: “This militias’ committee is not a<br />
workers’ council for defence, it is more like a democratic parliament”.<br />
1061 ‘Illustraties van de ontwikkeling in het revolutionaire Spanje’, in: PIC, No. 17, Nov. 1936.<br />
1062 ‘Het anarcho-syndicalisme in de Spaansche revolutie’, in: PIC, No. 16, Oct. 1936, ibid.<br />
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