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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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<strong>The</strong> unemployed workers of Amsterdam were undoubtedly the most radical sector of the <strong>Dutch</strong> proletariat. 1000<br />

Obliged to report to the unemployment offices every day, the unemployed were quickly politicised: the long<br />

queues were tailor-made for political discussions and the distribution of the revolutionary press, especially that<br />

of the council communists, whose propaganda did have an echo. From 1932 on, unemployed ‘committees of<br />

struggle’ were being formed in Amsterdam; very militant, they soon fell into the maws of the CPH, despite the<br />

GIC’s calls to “wage the struggle outside of any union or political party”. 1001<br />

<strong>The</strong> unemployed movement culminated in July 1934 in a veritable uprising, when the conservative – Anti-<br />

Revolutionair Party – Cabinet led by Hendrijk Colijn (1869-1944) decided to cut unemployment benefit. On July<br />

4, the workers of the Jordaan district of Amsterdam demonstrated spontaneously, without any party or union<br />

directives, against the government’s measures. In this district, as in the ‘Indonesian quarter’, there was lively<br />

resistance against the attacks of the motorised or mounted police. <strong>The</strong> streets of the Jordaan district were soon<br />

covered in barricades and were in the hands of the workers and the unemployed, who, once they had ‘won’, went<br />

home. But the next day the army occupied the district with tanks and machine guns. <strong>The</strong> repression against the<br />

workers ended with 7 dead and 200 wounded. Strengthened by this victory, the <strong>Dutch</strong> government forbade all<br />

demonstrations and meetings. Although it had distanced itself from the struggle of the Jordaan workers – seeing<br />

only “pillage and provocation” 1002 – De Tribune, organ of the CPH, was banned. <strong>The</strong> small left socialist party,<br />

the OSP had several of its leaders arrested, even though one of its fractions, the one around De Kadt, refused to<br />

express solidarity with the movement, criticising the ‘adventurism’ of the OSP leadership.<br />

<strong>The</strong> defeat of the Amsterdam unemployed was a heavy one, since it meant a serious defeat for the proletariat in<br />

Holland, which had remained passive. In fact, the struggle of the unemployed was seen as something separate, as<br />

a particular category. <strong>The</strong> unemployed themselves did not attempt to generalise their movement. This<br />

corporatism and lack of solidarity between different categories of workers was a real weakness:<br />

“...<strong>The</strong> class forces were still so weak that the workers in struggle did not see the extension of the movement as<br />

their own task. <strong>The</strong> idea was that it was a struggle of the unemployed alone and had to be waged by them alone.<br />

In Jordaan and its environs, there are various factories: however, the unemployed made no attempt to draw them<br />

into the struggle.” 1003<br />

<strong>The</strong> causes of this defeat were not only subjective, but also objective. <strong>The</strong> bourgeoisie “could no longer tolerate<br />

the least resistance from the workers”. 1004 <strong>The</strong> only way out for the working class was in mass movements, the<br />

extension and generalisation of strikes. But would this be enough to halt the bourgeoisie’s offensive against the<br />

proletariat, particularly the threat of war? Were the great strikes of summer 1936 in France under the banner of<br />

the ‘Popular Front’, the harbingers of a new period of mass strikes?<br />

<strong>The</strong> GIC and the strikes of May-June 1936<br />

It is symptomatic that the GIC exercised great caution in analysing the wave of strikes in France. Whereas the<br />

Mattick group in the USA talked about a decisive defeat for the French proletariat 1005 , a pseudo-victory opening<br />

the door to a series of defeats and to fascism, the GIC defined June 1936 as a turning point for the international<br />

proletariat. <strong>The</strong> French strikes would either open up a new period of class struggle, or else they would be “a last<br />

gasp before an even more profound slump” for the proletariat. 1006 This prudence about the future was a break<br />

from the enthusiasm expressed a year earlier during the Belgian miners’ strike when the GIC saw the occupation<br />

1000 For a history of the Amsterdam workers’ insurrection in July 1934, see: W. Kielich, Jordaaners op de barricaden – Het<br />

oproer van 1934 (Zutphen: De Walburg Pers, 1984).<br />

1001 PIC, No. 4, Feb. 1932.<br />

1002 De Tribune (supplement), 6 th July 1934.<br />

1003 Räte-Korrespondenz, No. 8/9, April-May 1935.<br />

1004 Räte-Korrespondenz, No. 4, Sept. 1934.<br />

1005 ‘<strong>The</strong> Defeat in France’, in: International Council Correspondence, No. 8, July 1936.<br />

1006 ‚Massenstreik in Frankreich’, in: Räte-Korrespondenz, No. 18/19, August 1936.<br />

250

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