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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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Russian capitalism. It was only conceivable in the absence of a real bourgeoisie and as the result of a revolution:<br />

“In Russia, the bourgeoisie was liquidated by the revolution and its power destroyed [...] State capitalism could<br />

arise because a powerful bourgeoisie was lacking”. In the end, state capitalism was seen as the product not of a<br />

counter-revolution but of the class struggle, and it was ‘revolutionary’ in the sense that it affected the passage<br />

from “barbarism” to “developed capitalism”. In this sense, it was a ‘special case’ whose foundation was more<br />

political than economic: “...each case is a particular case; each country has a particular form of political<br />

development.” 987<br />

This rejection of the theory of a general tendency towards state capitalism outside the special case of Russia was<br />

justified by the theoretical blunders of the <strong>German</strong> council communists. <strong>The</strong> GIC wanted to close the door to the<br />

conception that “state capitalism would everywhere become the most developed form of capitalism” and would<br />

thus constitute “a necessary transition phase between capitalism and communism”. 988 As Marxists, the GIC<br />

condemned in advance the idea – developed by Socialisme ou Barbarie in the 1950’s 989 – that state capitalism<br />

was “a new system” with a “new ruling class”. Even in the Russian case, it was not at all a new system. Russian<br />

state capitalism remained a capitalist system in which the new ruling class was only new chronologically, not<br />

structurally. Organised in the Russian party – which the GIC, not seeing the discontinuity between Lenin and<br />

Stalin, still called ‘bolshevik’ the bureaucracy had taken on “the same role as the private capitalists in their<br />

countries” and had itself become the bourgeoisie. 990<br />

In this way Pannekoek and the GIC showed that state capitalism did not constitute a historic ‘solution’ to the<br />

crisis of capitalism. Without using the theory of capitalist decadence, they rallied to Mattick’s position that in the<br />

era of the “permanent crisis” 991 , there could be no rationalisation of capital through state planning. Paradoxically,<br />

this could only reinforce the anarchy of the capitalist system: “Capitalist ‘planning’ only increases the absence of<br />

any plan”. 992<br />

Thus, as in the analysis of the crisis, there was a lack of homogeneity and cohesion in the council communist<br />

movement on the question of state capitalism. Faced with a novel phenomenon, the <strong>Dutch</strong>, like the <strong>German</strong>s,<br />

groped their way forward. <strong>The</strong> differences between the GIC and the <strong>German</strong> groups were by no means as clearcut<br />

as they may have appeared at first. <strong>The</strong> <strong>German</strong>s were far from defending the idea of a ‘new system’ that had<br />

overcome the contradictions of capitalism. In a more elaborated response to the GIC they showed that state<br />

capitalism could only slow down the permanent crisis, not overcome its basic contradictions. It was not a new<br />

system but a phase of evolution: “In this state capitalist phase of evolution – which is expressed most clearly in<br />

the <strong>German</strong> and Soviet Russian conditions – the contradictions of capitalist society have not been overcome, but<br />

only displaced, concentrated, openly appearing as a contradiction”. 993<br />

At the same time, within the GIC Pannekoek himself, who was the most determined opponent of the <strong>German</strong>s’<br />

theory, paradoxically adopted their conclusions. In an article published in the organ of the American council<br />

communists in 1936, under the pseudonym of John Harper, he admitted that there was a general tendency<br />

987 Ibid.<br />

988 ’Antwort der GIKH’, op. cit.<br />

989 <strong>The</strong> group ‘Socialisme ou Barbarie’, which published the periodical of the same name after 1949, came out of trotskyism.<br />

Its dominant personality was Cornelius Castoriadis – his pseudonyms were Chaulieu or Cardan or Coudray – who ceased to<br />

be a Marxist after the 1960’s.<br />

990 ‚Sowjet-Rußland heute’, in: Räte-Korrespondenz No. 20, Dec. 1936.<br />

991 <strong>The</strong> GIC published Mattick‘s text on the ‘Permanent Crisis’ in PIC, No. 8, August 1935. In No. 9 of August 1935, it<br />

criticised the “mechanical and schematic conceptions” in Mattick’s ‘Grossmannite’ view.<br />

992 P(aul) M(attick)], ‚Erwiderung der amerikanischenen Genossen’, in: Räte-Korrespondenz, No.18/19, cited above.<br />

Mattick, like the GIC, denied capitalism’s evolution towards state capitalism. This could only be conceived on the Russian<br />

model, and required “a revolutionary overthrow, the suppression of the present possessing class”.<br />

993 ‘Anti-kritik der deutschen Genossen’, in: Räte-Korrespondenz, ibid. <strong>The</strong> <strong>German</strong> council communists concluded that<br />

state capitalism, the expression of a “latent, persistent crisis”, involved the absorption of civil society by the state: “All the<br />

essential functions of society are more and more being taken over by the state apparatus, which ends up dominating the<br />

whole of social life and, as a parasitic body, threatens to smother it entirely”.<br />

248

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