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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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It is true that the GIC’s views on organisation had political consequences. Since it saw political organisations as<br />

a regroupment of discussion circles, it allowed for the expression of opinions, in the form of discussion articles,<br />

which did not necessarily reflect its political positions. This explains why, on the question of fascism, the GIC<br />

allowed the publication of a discussion article which gave De Arbeidersraad the chance to scream about the<br />

“pre-fascist” tendencies in the GIC. An article in PIC in 1935, while attacking both fascist and anti-fascist<br />

ideologies, contained the following considerations on the ideology of fascist state capitalism. 968 According to the<br />

author, the negation of individualism by state capitalism left the field free to a “collectivist’ ideology favourable<br />

to communism: “Fascist and communist ideology both have in common the fact that individual interests are<br />

subordinated to collective interests, that men are not fixated on their own petty personality but are drawn into a<br />

wider unity. In this sense we can consider fascism ideologically as a precursor of communism”.<br />

This somewhat tasteless assertion was totally foreign to the positions of the GIC, who declared three years later<br />

that “in our opinion this is totally false. It is certainly true that both fascism and communism reject bourgeois<br />

individualism and refer to collectivities. But such an analogy in no way makes fascism a precursor to<br />

communism”. 969 <strong>The</strong> GIC emphasised that “this discussion article in no way reflected the GIC’s opinion”. But<br />

in affirming that everyone had the right to their opinion, in a spirit of pure democracy, it made room for<br />

ambiguities that were exploited by its political adversaries.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Question of State Capitalism<br />

<strong>The</strong> generalised crisis of the world economy obliged states to take measures of planning and nationalisation<br />

which, apart from the period of the First World War, had not been seen before in developed capitalism. Hitherto,<br />

only the Russian State had adopted such measures, subjecting the entire economy to state control and<br />

suppressing the private sector. After 1933, in the big liberal capitalist countries, the state began to step in more<br />

and more in economic life, controlling or even nationalising key sectors. In nazi <strong>German</strong>y, although the private<br />

sector was not suppressed, it came under state control. A form of state capitalism was installed that could<br />

accommodate itself quite easily with the existence of a private sector. In countries like France and Belgium, the<br />

communist parties openly advocated the Russian model, but the left political parties, especially the ‘left<br />

socialists’, extolled the virtues of a ‘planned economy’, and ‘state socialism’. 970<br />

<strong>The</strong> phenomenon of state capitalism had been analysed as early as 1918 by the <strong>Left</strong> <strong>Communist</strong>s in Russia. <strong>The</strong><br />

left of the bolshevik party around Osinski had warned of the danger of equating state capitalism with<br />

socialism. 971 From the 1920’s, the <strong>German</strong> and <strong>Dutch</strong> lefts had argued that the Russian economy was a form of<br />

state capitalism which had nothing to do with socialism. Because of the existence of wage labour, where the<br />

workers were subjected to a state boss which carried out the accumulation of national capital, the Russian state<br />

was capitalist, albeit in a new form. For lack of other examples, the communist left did not inquire whether<br />

Russian State capitalism expressed a general, irreversible, trend in world capitalism.<br />

One of the first theoreticians of council communism to investigate the phenomenon of state capitalism in more<br />

depth was Otto Rühle. In a remarkable pioneering book, published in 1931 in Berlin under the pseudonym Carl<br />

workers in Holland. Those that we know are not spies but revolutionary workers who adhere to Trotsky’s bolshevik views.<br />

We are not in agreement with this point of view, on a matter of principle” (Spartacus, No. 43, 1938).<br />

968 ‘Fascisme en Arbeidersklasse’, in: PIC, No. 7, July 1935.<br />

969 PIC, No. 3, May 1938, pp. 15-20.<br />

970 <strong>The</strong> De Man plan in Belgium was characteristic of the ‘planning’ tendency which could also be seen with the SDAP in<br />

Holland.<br />

971 N. Osinski, ‘Stroitelstvo socialisma’ (‘On the building of Socialism’), in: Kommunist, Nos. 1 & 2, April 1918. Osinski<br />

was the pseudonym of the soviet economist Valerian Obolensky (1887-1938), who was to be shot by Stalin in 1938.<br />

245

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