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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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In fact, Pannekoek’s position on these questions was expressed some 15 years later in the book <strong>The</strong> Workers’<br />

Councils (1946). It was not far removed from the theoretical conclusions of the Grundprinzipien, but it was<br />

rather more connected to historical reality.<br />

Like the Grundprinzipien, Pannekoek was in favour of the system of accounting on the basis of labour time:<br />

“...in the new system of production, the essential element is the hours of labour, whether expressed in the initial<br />

period in monetary units or in a real form”. 868 Like the GIC, Pannekoek had a tendency to reduce the economic<br />

problems of the transition period to a technical and statistical matter: “<strong>The</strong> general accounting system, which<br />

concerns and encompasses the administration of the different enterprises, unites them all in an economic process<br />

of society as a whole... <strong>The</strong> basis of the social organisation of production is good management through the use of<br />

statistics and accounting... <strong>The</strong> production process is revealed to all in the form of a simple and intelligible<br />

numerical image”. 869<br />

This administrative conception, determined by a statistical rather than a social reality, led to the idea of an<br />

administrative organisation of the new society, a pure “administration of things” in the form of “accounting<br />

offices”: “Once production has been organised, administration becomes the relatively simple task of a network<br />

of inter-connecting ‘accounting offices”. 870<br />

Like the GIC, Pannekoek only dealt with the higher stage of communism. <strong>The</strong> workers’ councils, the<br />

organisations of real workers’ democracy, only have a decision-making role at the level of production, not at the<br />

political level. Because “politics itself will have disappeared”. 871 the councils have no governmental functions.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is no ‘council government’, which had been the slogan in the revolutionary period of 1917-21. “<strong>The</strong><br />

councils are not a government. Even the most centralised councils do not have a governmental character,<br />

because they have no way of imposing their will on the masses; they are not organs of power”. 872<br />

<strong>The</strong> aspects of maintaining social order and of class violence, typical of any state structure, could not be in the<br />

hands of a central power: “All social power belongs to the workers themselves. Wherever the exercising of this<br />

power is necessary – against disturbances or attacks on the existing order – it emanates from the workers’<br />

collectives in the workshops and remains under their control.”. 873<br />

This affirmation of the ‘social power’ of the ‘workers’ collectives’ by Pannekoek shows that the question of the<br />

withering away of the state and of social classes, as analysed by Marx and Engels, was not dealt with in <strong>The</strong><br />

Workers’ Councils. It seems in fact that Pannekoek envisaged the existence of a semi-state in the higher stage of<br />

communism, still exerting a form of violence. If “workers’ collectives” – and thus classes, not a classless society<br />

of producers – still existed, was this not an admission that the state still existed as well? Even if this state power<br />

was called ‘social’, even if it was decentralised from councils to “collectives”, was this not an admission that<br />

class political power still existed? To these questions, there was no response from Pannekoek.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Workers’ Councils implicitly criticised the Grundprinzipien on two essential points:<br />

–<strong>The</strong> beginnings of the period of transition between capitalism and communism would be marked by<br />

scarcity, given the necessity to reconstruct an economy ruined either by the civil war or the world<br />

economic crisis (Pannekoek wasn’t precise about this). It would still be an economy of war and scarcity,<br />

in which justice in the distribution of consumer goods would be based not on a fair accounting of hours<br />

of labour but on the coercive – but moral – principle of obliging everyone to work for the community:<br />

with Jan Appel and expressed agreement with Lenin’s view in State and Revolution: production organised as it is on the<br />

railways.<br />

868 Les Conseils ouvriers (Paris: Bélibaste, 1974), p. 78.<br />

869 Idem, pp. 86-7.<br />

870 Idem, p. 86.<br />

871 Idem, p. 125.<br />

872 Idem, p. 126.<br />

873 Ibid.<br />

227

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