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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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een eclipsed and replaced by a “dead thing”. Mattick’s group underlined the “distinctly idealist after-taste” of<br />

the GIC’s conception. 834 But above all, the American and <strong>German</strong> groups rejected the practical and<br />

organisational consequences of the theses on the ‘working groups’, which could only lead to the negation of the<br />

international work of the council communists and the abandonment of any centralisation of common activity.<br />

Paul Mattick rejected the “false conception of the <strong>Dutch</strong>” which called for “the independence of the groups”.<br />

This was “not only not marxist but impossible in practice”; it was necessary to centralise the work of the<br />

different groups. 835 No less clearly, Helmut Wagner – a member of the <strong>German</strong> workers’ groups in exile – saw<br />

the GIC’s conception as regression to federalism: “A federalist organisation cannot maintain itself because in the<br />

current phase of monopoly capitalism, it doesn’t correspond to anything. It is a step backwards in relation to the<br />

old movement rather than being a step forward”. 836<br />

This disagreement on principles found full expression at the international conference of council communists, the<br />

so-called Brussels conference, held from eighth to eleventh June 1935. In fact this was held in Copenhagen.<br />

Brussels was mentioned in the council communist press to create a smokescreen and thus escape the vigilant<br />

surveillance of the Gestapo. <strong>The</strong> eight delegates from <strong>German</strong>y and Holland met in the house of Andersen-<br />

Harild in Copenhagen. <strong>The</strong> delegation of seven from the ‘workers’ groups’ in <strong>German</strong>y dominated the<br />

conference: the GIC had only sent one representative, Piet van Albada. <strong>The</strong> conference passed a resolution,<br />

written by Alfred Weiland and accepted by everyone, including the GIC delegate. This resolution implicated the<br />

whole of the international council communist movement.<br />

<strong>The</strong> resolution, entitled ‘Resolution of the Brussels conference’, had important political and organisational<br />

consequences. It adopted the <strong>German</strong> theses on state capitalism (see Chapter 5) which had been criticised by the<br />

GIC and Mattick’s group. But above all it clearly rejected the premises of Towards a new workers’ movement.<br />

<strong>The</strong> state of clandestinity in the fascist countries spoke in favour not of the federalism defended by the GIC, but<br />

of the strictest centralism. In <strong>German</strong>y what was needed wasn’t ‘working groups’, but a system of groups of<br />

three people, clandestine and rigorously centralised. <strong>The</strong> survival of the organisation, both in <strong>German</strong>y and the<br />

‘democratic’ countries, demanded the centralisation of all the international work. In the historic period of<br />

totalitarian state capitalism, it was necessary to regroup the work of the internationalist council communists in a<br />

highly centralised way, in order to build a single unified organisation. <strong>The</strong> conference proposed:<br />

“1. To organise a more rigorous international collaboration through more frequent discussions;<br />

2. To set up an international mouthpiece to propagate our conceptions;<br />

3. To prepare the creation of an international committee to concentrate our work more firmly;<br />

4. To ensure common international work through organisational and financial;<br />

5. To take charge of international aid and publication;<br />

6. To open a general discussion aimed at formulating an international programme for the council<br />

communists.” 837<br />

Alongside these six points, it was decided that the GIC would take charge of financial solidarity for council<br />

communist emigrants.<br />

As might have been expected, the GIC rejected any centralised international work, which in practice required the<br />

formulation of an international programme and the setting up of an international bureau. For the <strong>Dutch</strong>, this was<br />

a new version of the trotskyist 4 th International. “<strong>The</strong> 5 th or 6 th International is present here in broad outline”, 838<br />

834 ‘Problems of the new labour movement’, in: International Council Correspondence, No. 2, Jan. 1936, pp. 21-35; PIC,<br />

No. 2, Feb. 1936; Räte-Korrespondenz, No. 15, March 1936.<br />

835 Paul Mattick, in the name of the American council communist groups, ibid.<br />

836 PIC, No. 1, January 1936; RK, No. 15, March 1936.<br />

837 ‚Resolution der Brüsseler Konferenz’, in: Räte-Korrespondenz, No. 16-17, May 1936.<br />

838 Räte-Korrespondenz, idem.<br />

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