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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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In 1895, Troelstra declared at a party meeting that his aim was “above all to form an organized workers’<br />

movement which can take its place, as an autonomous party, alongside those of the bourgeoisie”. 14<br />

Finally, the split was premature. A growing minority of the SDB, shortly to become the majority, was coming<br />

around to the electoral strategy. In 1897, the SDB – the largest workers’ party, with 2,000 militants – put up<br />

candidates, gaining several seats on the town councils and even one in Parliament. This new orientation, which<br />

marked the separation with the anti-electoral anarchist current, rendered the SDB’s separate existence pointless.<br />

<strong>The</strong> SDB was shaken to the core by the loss of its militants, who left to join either the SDAP or the libertarian<br />

current. In June 1900 it decided to dissolve, and its remaining 200 militants decided to join the SDAP and accept<br />

the programme of the 2 nd International.<br />

<strong>The</strong> evolution of the SDB – known as the ‘Socialistenbond’ after 1894 – was no accident. It was made easier by<br />

the departure in 1897 of Domela Nieuwenhuis and his supporters, who declared themselves to be anarchists. <strong>The</strong><br />

latter abandoned the organised workers’ movement: in 1896, Domela Nieuwenhuis had walked out of the<br />

London Congress of the International, when the latter decided to exclude the anarchists from forthcoming<br />

congresses.<br />

Domela Nieuwenhuis’ split proved sterile. Together with Christiaan Cornelissen (1864-1943) – one of the future<br />

theoreticians of European revolutionary syndicalism – he founded the newspaper De Vrije Socialist (‘Free<br />

Socialist’), and a short-lived organisation: the ‘Federation of Libertarian Socialists’ (Federatie van Vrije<br />

Socialisten). But with the formation of a socialist movement in <strong>The</strong> Netherlands, the role played by ‘political’<br />

anarchism faded into the background. <strong>Dutch</strong> anarchism became almost exclusively syndicalist, with a strong<br />

influence in the economic struggle. In 1893, on the initiative of Cornelissen and the SDB, the ‘National Labour<br />

Secretariat’ (Nationaal Arbeids Secretariaat, or NAS) was formed. As in France, anarchism took refuge in the<br />

unions. But Cornelissen split with Domela Nieuwenhuis, who remained reticent about union activity, and under<br />

his influence the NAS increasingly turned towards revolutionary syndicalism rather than anarcho-syndicalism.<br />

Exiled to France, from 1900 onwards Cornelissen became one of the theoreticians of the revolutionary<br />

syndicalist wing of the CGT. In fact, the NAS played an important part in the <strong>Dutch</strong> workers’ movement, despite<br />

its limited membership. It was to symbolise the militant attitude necessary to the development of the class<br />

struggle in its economic form. This was unlike the social-democratic union, the NVV (‘<strong>Dutch</strong> Confederation of<br />

Trade Unions’), created by the SDAP in 1905 to counter the influence of the NAS, and often to oppose or even<br />

sabotage the workers’ strikes (see below). <strong>The</strong> NAS took a determined part in all the great strikes, especially in<br />

the 1903 general strike in the transport industry (see below). Little by little, the NAS moved closer to the radical<br />

Marxist current, to the point where at times it appeared to be the union organisation of the Tribunist current, then<br />

of the <strong>Communist</strong> Party in 1920, and of Sneevliet’s RSAP from 1927-1940.<br />

Domela Nieuwenhuis and the roots of ‘councilism’<br />

Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis’evolution towards anarchist positions does not alter the fact that he was a<br />

precursor and organiser of the emerging workers’ movement in <strong>The</strong> Netherlands. He remains a great figure of<br />

the international workers’ movement, in an epoch when Marxists and anarchists could coexist within the same<br />

organisation. Active against the threat of war, he was more a pacifist and anti-militarist than a revolutionary<br />

guided by a coherent theory. Unlike anarchist leaders like Kropotkin, Cornelissen, or Jean Grave who put<br />

themselves at the service of imperialist war, in the Allied camp 15 , during World War I, Domela Nieuwenhuis<br />

14 P.J. Troelstra, Gedenkschriften. II. ‘Groei’ (Amsterdam: Querido, 1933), p. 137.<br />

15 <strong>The</strong> Manifeste des Seize (Manifesto of the Sixteen), 1916. This declaration was signed by fifteen anarchists, and first<br />

published the 28 th of February 1916. <strong>The</strong> complete list of signatories was: Christiaan Cornelissen, Henri Fuss, Jean Grave,<br />

Jacques Guérin, Pierre Kropotkine, A. Laisant. François Le Lève (France, Lorient), Charles Malato, Jules Moineau<br />

(Belgium, Liège), A. Orfila, Hussein Dey (Algeria), Marc Pierrot, Paul Reclus, Richard (Algeria), Tchikawa (Japon),<br />

Warlaam [Varlan] Tcherkesoff.<br />

21

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