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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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would ‘awaken’ the <strong>German</strong> proletariat as by personal despair (Van der Lubbe was condemned to imminent<br />

blindness). But above all, this personal despair expressed a growing political despair in the deepest layers of the<br />

proletariat.<br />

We know what happened to Van der Lubbe. Dragged before nazi ‘justice’, he denied to have had contacts with<br />

the KPD, the ‘councilist’ milieu in Berlin. He was condemned to death (23 rd December 1933) and decapitated on<br />

10 th January 1934, one of the first victims of nazi terror. For his friends, this execution was the logical<br />

continuation of the bourgeois terror which struck down so many workers under governments from Ebert to<br />

Hitler. But the worst for Van der Lubbe was to be dragged in the mud by the Stalinists, who accused him of<br />

being in the service of nazism and began a great campaign of slander. 764 <strong>The</strong> Stalinists were his executioners<br />

every bit as much as the nazis, and had no hesitation in demanding his death. Dimitrov (Van der Lubbe’s<br />

supposed accomplice), who was to be acquitted and become one of the principal leaders of the stalinised<br />

Komintern, even demanded in open court that Van der Lubbe should be “condemned to death for having worked<br />

against the proletariat”. 765<br />

In the Netherlands, the CPH – despite Van der Lubbe’s having been an active party member – developed the<br />

same campaign of slanders. It propagated the lies contained in the ‘Brown Book’ published by the Münzenberg<br />

Trust – the latter being the Komintern’s great financial wizard – with the support of ‘democrats’ that included an<br />

unzeitgemässe Leben des Berliner Rätekommunisten Alfred Weiland (1906-1978) (Münster-Hamburg-Berlin-London: LIT<br />

Verlag 2001), pp. 113-126, for the brief (and informal) contacts between the KAU, and Van der Lubbe.<br />

Nonetheless, according to Alfred Weiland, whose testimony is contradictory, Van der Lubbe had had contact with the<br />

student Wilfried von Oven (1912-200.?), who was member of the ‚left’ SA and had had in the past (1932) a brief contact<br />

with a AAU circle in Berlin. In the years 1990, Oven denied any contact with Van der Lubbe. In 1936, von Oven, convinced<br />

nazi, was a volunteer in the “Legion Condor”, during the Kominternvil war in Spain; in 1943, he became a personal<br />

counsellor of Goebbels. He became after the war press correspondent of Der Spiegel in South America. He remained a nazi<br />

and published a book on the SA, in 1998 (Kiel): Mit ruhig festem Schritt: Aus der Geschichte der SA. He was active in the<br />

ultraright, publishing in 1998 in Argentina the fascist Plata Ruf, in 1998. [See: M. Kubina, op. cit.]<br />

In the opinion of the historian Alexander Bahar and the psychologist Wilfried Kugel [Der Reichstagbrand. Wie Geschichte<br />

gemacht wird [‚<strong>The</strong> Reichstag Fire. How History is Created’), Berlin, 2001], had been introduced by SA in the building:<br />

“On February 27, 1933, at about 8:00 p.m. a commando group of at least 3, and at most 10 SA men led by Hans Georg<br />

Gewehr entered the basement of the palace of the Reichstag President. <strong>The</strong> group took the incendiary substances deposited<br />

there, and used the subterranean passageway to go from the Reichstag President’s palace to the Reichstag building, where<br />

they prepared the assembly hall in particular with a self-igniting liquid they probably mixed in the hall. After a certain<br />

latency period, the liquid set off the fire in the assembly hall. <strong>The</strong> group made their getaway through the subterranean<br />

passageway and the basement of the Reichstag President’s palace (and possibly also through the adjacent basement leading<br />

to the machinery and government employees’ building) to the public street Reichstagsufer. Göring entered the burning<br />

Reichstag building at 9:21 p.m. at the latest, presumably in order to provide a cover for the commando group’s retreat…<br />

Van der Lubbe was brought to the Reichstag by the SA at exactly 9:00 p.m. and let into the building by them. <strong>The</strong> sound of<br />

breaking glass which was noticed by witnesses and which was allegedly due to van der Lubbe breaking window panes to<br />

get into the building was probably only intended to attract the attention of the public. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Dutch</strong>man was sacrificed as the<br />

only available witness.”<br />

[This these can not convince every impartial historian, because it seems the product of dubious testimonies. See: Nico<br />

Jassies in his book : Marinus van der Lubbe en de Rijksdagbrand (Amsterdam: ‘De Dolle Hond’, 2002).]<br />

Van der Lubbe denied constantly any arsoning with anyone: “As to the question of whether I acted alone, I declare<br />

emphatically that this was the case.” [Marinus van der Lubbe, statement to police (3 rd March 1933.)<br />

In 1967, the county court of Berlin broke the judgement of Leipzig and sentenced post mortem Van der Lubbe to 8 years of<br />

prison for “attempted arson with house breaking”. In 1980, the same court of Berlin pronounced a verdict of not guilty,<br />

verdict which was broken by the court of Kassel in 1983.<br />

A <strong>Dutch</strong> documentary has been devoted to Marinus in 1998, by Joost Seelen: Water en vuur. (‘Water and fervour’). De<br />

roerige geschiedenis rond Marinus van der Lubbe (1909-1934), Zuidenwind Filmprodukties, Breda, 90 minutes, video VHS.<br />

In February and June 2000, a commemorative stele for Van der Lubbe was twice erected in Berlin, the first one having<br />

being stolen.<br />

764 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Dutch</strong> CP accused him of being in the service of the <strong>Dutch</strong> police, the stalinists of all countries of sympathising with<br />

the SA and being one of the Röhm gang’s ‘toy boys’.<br />

765 L’Humanité, 17 th December 1933.<br />

202

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