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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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workers’ movement was “destroyed”, underestimating its ideological weight, even in clandestinity.<br />

According to them, “young forces” would emerge and find in the literature of the KAU, the KAPD, and of<br />

Rote Kämpfer the source of their clarification. This hope was to be quickly dashed. Pannekoek affirmed that<br />

communism “would be constructed on totally new bases”. That meant that there was no longer a continuity<br />

in the workers’ movement, through its ‘left fractions’. In a sense, everything had to begin again from scratch.<br />

This method, totally different from that of the Italian communist left at the time heralded the theory of the<br />

‘new workers’ movement’ which was to prove fatal to council communism. 760<br />

<strong>Dutch</strong> Council Communism and Van der Lubbe<br />

It was the significance of Van der Lubbe’s torching of the Reichstag (27 Feb. 1933), more than Hitler’s coming<br />

to power, which focused the debates within <strong>Dutch</strong> council communism. <strong>The</strong> latter was profoundly divided on the<br />

question of ‘exemplary acts’ and of individual violence against symbols of bourgeois order.<br />

Marinus Van der Lubbe, born in 1909, was a young mason worker from Leiden. He had been from 1925 till<br />

1931 in the <strong>Dutch</strong> CP. He left on adopting anti-parliamentarist and council communist positions. Highly active<br />

in the unemployed movement and in the workers’ strikes that broke out in various towns. After leaving the<br />

Unemployed Agitation Committee (WAC) – led by the CPN – he had been in Oct.-Nov. 1932 the main editor of<br />

the review for unemployed people in Leiden: Werkloozenkrant, which called for autonomous action committees,<br />

independent from any political party. Van der Lubbe was a worker wholly devoted to the proletarian cause.<br />

Pensioned off following an injury at work which threatened eventually to blind him, he devoted all his time to<br />

militant activity. He soon made contact with Eduard Sirach’s LAO and helped in its propaganda work. If he had<br />

any contacts with the GIC in Leiden, they remained personal. 761 Van der Lubbe was never a member of the GIC,<br />

even if he sympathised with their positions and was a reader of the PIC.<br />

After several trips to <strong>German</strong>y and around Europe (Hungary, Yugoslavia, Austria) to discover by himself the<br />

real state of the class struggle, Van der Lubbe decided to go to Berlin in February 1933, shortly after Hitler’s<br />

nomination as Chancellor (30 th January). He arrived to Berlin on the 18 th . He took part to meetings of SPD and<br />

KPD and searched contact with homeless in Berlin (‘Obdachlosen’). He could have had political contacts (23<br />

and 25.2.1933) with <strong>German</strong> council communists, with Alfred Weiland and some members of the KAU, who<br />

eyed suspiciously the young <strong>Dutch</strong> worker. He was – according to Weiland 762 – very enthusiastic for the recent<br />

mutiny – near the coasts of Indonesia – led by the sailors of the <strong>Dutch</strong> battleship Zeven Provinciën (4-10<br />

February), to protest salary cuts of 10 percent, which was finally bloodily crushed by aviation, on order of the<br />

Colijn Cabinet.<br />

In the night of the 25 th February, he tempted to arson an office for unemployed and a castle in Berlin, without<br />

any result. After leaving the capital, he returned to Berlin to arson the Reichstag. His decision to burn down the<br />

Reichstag may have been a personal one 763 motivated as much be the naive belief that his ‘exemplary action’<br />

760 See: Ph. Bourrinet, <strong>The</strong> ‘Bordigist’ Current 1919-1999, Italy, France, Belgium, op. cit.<br />

761 Van der Lubbe had personal and political contacts with Piet van Albada, a medical student, brother of the astronomer<br />

Bruun van Albada, the stone mason and ex-CPN Simon Harteveld, and the De Vink brothers, Izaak [Sjaak] – a taxi driver –<br />

and Jacobus [Koos]. Within the GIC in Leiden was active Axel Koefoed, who was in charge of the international ties.<br />

According to an old member of the GIC, Lieuwe Hornstra, Van der Lubbe “had no contact with the GIC. Personally, with<br />

people like Koos de Vink for example, certainly: but not organisationally” [cited in the book by H. Karasek, op. cit., p. 81).<br />

762 This testimony of Weiland seems very dubious. AAU and KAU have no contact with van der Lubbe and the LAO. See:<br />

N. Jassies, Marinus van der Lubbe et l'incendie du Reichstag (Paris: Ed. antisociales, 2004).<br />

763 <strong>The</strong> attempts to present Van der Lubbe as a ‘nazi agent’ were ‘demolished’ by the ‘Red Book’ (Roodboek), edited by Lo<br />

Lopes Cardoso, a former member of the KAPN, and published in 1933: [M. Dekker, L. Lopes Cardoso, B. Verduin, A. van<br />

Agen] Roodboek. Van der Lubbe en de Rijksdagbrand. Publikatie van het Internationaal Van der Lubbe Comité. [<strong>German</strong><br />

translation: Rotbuch. Marinus van der Lubbe und der Reichstagsbrand (Hamburg: Edition Nautilus, Verlag Lutz<br />

Schulenburg, 1983).] See also the book of M. Kubina, Fall Weiland. Von Utopie, Widerstand und kaltem Krieg. Das<br />

201

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