The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
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KAPD. <strong>The</strong> GIC, followed by Pannekoek whose positions had evolved in the meantime, took position for the<br />
AAU, of which it considered itself a part, within the international council communist regroupment.<br />
<strong>The</strong> GIC and the international regroupment of council communists (1929-1932)<br />
<strong>The</strong> GIC and the <strong>German</strong> council communist movement – the birth of the KAU (<strong>Communist</strong> Workers’ Union)<br />
In 1929, the 9 th National Conference of the AAU decided to break all contact with the KAPD. <strong>The</strong> aim was to<br />
put an end to the leadership exercised by the KAP. Significantly, and under the pretext of ‘factional activity’, the<br />
Conference decided to exclude Adam Scharrer, the KAPD’s principal leader, and his brother-in-law Heinz Helm<br />
(Heinzelmann). That meant that a militant of the KAPD could no longer be a member of the AAU. A split<br />
ensued which weakened both the <strong>German</strong> and the international revolutionary movement, since in several<br />
countries (see below) groups were linked to the dual KAP-AAU organisation.<br />
This split can be said to have given birth to council communism at the international level. <strong>The</strong> KAPD – the<br />
revolutionary current which incarnated the spirit of the party and which had been the only real pole of<br />
regroupment of the internationalist left communist current – was pushed into the background. A few hundred<br />
militants remained in the organisation which was isolated from the rest of the revolutionary political milieu<br />
dominated by an anti-authoritarian ‘anti-chiefs’ ideology.<br />
<strong>The</strong> evolution of the AAU was confused and contradictory. On the one hand, the Union adopted a more and<br />
more ‘flexible’ tactic, to the point that for the first time in its history, it led a strike – exactly like a trade union.<br />
In 1929, the Cuxhaven Union led a seamen’s strike. <strong>The</strong> KAPD saw this as the triumph of a “policy of horsetrading”,<br />
which consisted of “haggling with the capitalists around the table, while waiting for the proletariat to<br />
be strong enough to make the final assault”. 718 On the other hand, the AAU wanted to remain a political<br />
vanguard in the class struggle. Discussions with the remains of the AAU-E were conducted with this in mind: a<br />
merger conference was to be held in December 1931 in Berlin. All the ‘foreign’ council communist groups were<br />
invited to contribute to the effort of clarification – the GIC and Pannekoek foremost amongst them.<br />
Along with the Mattick group, which still worked within the IWW in the US (Chicago), the GIC was one of the<br />
rare groups to make serious contributions to the internal debate on the programme of the international council<br />
communist movement. <strong>The</strong> GIC’s main theoretical contribution was the collective elaboration of Jan Appel’s<br />
work on ‘<strong>The</strong> fundamental principles of communist production and distribution’: Grundprinzipien<br />
Kommunistischer Produktion und Verteilung was published by the AAU in Berlin in 1930. It was the first draft<br />
of a text which the GIC continued to work on during the 30s (see Chapter 7). <strong>The</strong> texts on the function of<br />
revolutionary organisations were more immediately relevant in criticising the programme of the AAU.<br />
<strong>The</strong> GIC, not without reason, rejected the AAU’s pretension, expressed in its draft programme, to become a<br />
‘mass organisation’. <strong>The</strong> AAU could be neither a union nor a party. It should be considered as a collection of<br />
“revolutionary factory nuclei”, whose main task was to propagandise for “an association of free and equal<br />
producers”. 719 At no time could the ‘factory nuclei’ compete with the trades unions by putting forward economic<br />
demands. <strong>The</strong>ir task was, at the outbreak of wildcat strikes, to contribute to the formation of a united ‘class front’<br />
across trades, “free from any party or union”. Only in mass struggle could ‘factory organisations’ become a real<br />
‘class organisation’.<br />
718 Letter of 19 th June 1929 from the KAPD to the communist workers’ groups of Czechoslovakia, in: L’Ouvrier<br />
communiste, No. 4/5, 1929. In this letter the KAPD noted, not unjustly, that “<strong>The</strong> recent crisis of our movement shows one<br />
more time how the lack of working class activity entails a disorganised agitation of dispersed agregates of the revolutionary<br />
movement. <strong>The</strong>y compensate the lack of proletarian mass activity with displays of skill, with “tactical subtlety”“.<br />
719 PIC (in <strong>German</strong>), July 1931 (?), Richtlinien über revolutionäre Betriebskerne. <strong>The</strong>se theses on the revolutionary factory<br />
nuclei were presented as a contribution of the GIC on 5 th July to the congress of ‘Alarm groups’ at <strong>The</strong> Hague. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
anarchistic groups rejected participation in economic struggles.<br />
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