The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom
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the nationalist, even anti-Semitic policy’ of the KPD. 687 It strongly opposed the policy of ‘workers’<br />
governments’ which it characterised as anti-worker governments. 688 It had, finally condemned the formation of<br />
‘Proletarian Centuries’ (Proletarische Hundertschaften) by the KPD as a putchist enterprise in the absence of<br />
workers’ councils. 689<br />
After 1923 during the period of the ‘relative stabilisation of capitalism’ which lasted from 1924 to 1928, the<br />
KAPD had continued its propaganda. It was convinced that although a first revolutionary wave had failed in<br />
<strong>German</strong>y, under the blows of the inevitable world economic crisis a second one would once more sweep over the<br />
country. This was somewhat simplistic. Proletarier, the KAPD’s theoretical organ, wrote in January 1926: “If<br />
1924 was the year of stabilisation, 1925 the year of crisis, 1926 will be the year of struggles”. 690<br />
In fact, 1926 was a year of intense KAPD activity directed at the left of the KPD, which rejected Bolshevisation.<br />
<strong>The</strong> KAPD by no means considered the KPD as a ‘bourgeois party’ but rather as a ‘centrist party’ from which<br />
revolutionary militants could emerge, out of the crisis in the sections of the Komintern. 691 It was a question, as<br />
the KAPD noted, not of forming an opposition within the KPD but of beginning a political balance sheet in order<br />
to start down the revolutionary road:<br />
“Like Cervantes’ Don Quixote, [the opposition] fights the effects, where it is a question of revealing the causes<br />
which have a fundamental significance for the structure and field of action of the revolutionary workers’<br />
movement [...] Instead of throwing the gauntlet at the head of the party, with a positive critique, this left fights<br />
for the legalisation of its opposition [...] <strong>The</strong> left in the KPD must soon decide if it wants to run behind the<br />
wagon of history by moaning and making a row or if it wants to oppose the united front of capitalism from<br />
Moscow to Washington with the struggle of the revolutionary proletariat.” 692<br />
Opposed to a regroupment of ‘malcontents’ without principles, the KAPD waited for the KPD opposition to be<br />
excluded, to begin the work of clarification. From May 1926 onwards, a crowd of groups, often politically<br />
heterogeneous, which had been constituted as fractions with the KPD, had indeed been excluded:<br />
Ernst Schwarz and Karl Korsch’s, ‘Entschiedene Linke’ (‘Resolute <strong>Left</strong>’) group, with about 7,000 members;<br />
the Ivan Katz group which together with the Franz Pfemfert group formed an organisation of 6,000<br />
members, close to the AAU-E, under the name of the cartel of communist organisations of the left, and<br />
which published the journal Spartakus. <strong>The</strong> latter became the organ of the Spartakusbund no. 2;<br />
687 See, for example, Paul Frölich: “Those who share the national interest must ally themselves with the fighting proletariat,<br />
must want the revolution... We don’t deny the necessity of national defence, when it is on the agenda…” [Rote Fahne,<br />
Nationale Frage und Revolution, 3 rd August 1923.] Or Ruth Fischer, addressing nazi students: “Those who call for a<br />
struggle against Jewish capital are already, gentlemen, class strugglers, even if they don’t know it. You are against Jewish<br />
capital and want to fight the speculators. Very good. Throw down the Jewish capitalists, hang them from the lamp-post,<br />
stamp on them” [meeting of 25 th July 1923, reported in Die Aktion No. 14, 1923). <strong>The</strong> KAPD gave a florilège of this kind of<br />
nationalist prosa in its pamphlet: Die KPD im eigenem Spiegel. Aus der Geschichte der KPD und der 3. Internationale,<br />
(Berlin-Brandenburg, 1926), pp. 59-79.<br />
688 See KAZ No. 75, September 1923, ‘Zur Frage der Arbeiter und Bauernregierung:’ “We are not a legal party and we have<br />
never yet accorded any value to legality. If necessary, we would fight the “workers’ government” from conspiratorial<br />
hiding-places, like the Bolsheviks fought Tsarism”. Finally the KAPD, in KAZ, No. 71, Sept. 1923 (‘Neues Blutbad der<br />
sächsischen Arbeiter und Bauernregierung’) recalled that the ‘workers’ government in Saxony had fired on a demonstration<br />
of unemployed, leaving 3 dead and 30 wounded.<br />
689 Members of the KAPD who participated in the KPD’s ‘Proletarian Centuries’ (‘Proletarische Hundertschaften’) were<br />
expelled.<br />
690 Proletarier, Heft 1, Jan. 1926, ‚Dem Jahrgang 1926 zum Geleit’. According to a police report, the Proletarier had a<br />
printing of 7,000 copies. [See: E. Ritter, op. cit., R134/23, 16.04.1924.)<br />
691 See for example the article by Carl Happ, under the pseudonym of Carl Schlicht, in: Proletarier No. 8, August 1927: Der<br />
Zentrismus in der KPD. Stalinism in Russia was also described as ‘centrist’: “the struggle against Moscow is firstly the<br />
struggle against this centrism: unmasking it is the principal task of proletarian class politics”.<br />
692 ‚Die Zukunft der Linken in der KPD’, by Carl Schlicht [Carl Happ], in: Proletarier, No. 2/3, April 1926.<br />
186