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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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groups, each one separate from the other. This might have made sense in a discussion circle, but not in a political<br />

organisation. Nevertheless, this vision of working in small circles was not theorised at first; this only happened<br />

after 1935, and not without encountering severe internal criticism from within the council communist movement<br />

(see Chapter 9).<br />

<strong>The</strong> result was that each local group wanted to function autonomously in relation to the GIC and in the same<br />

way, by setting up working groups. In the 1930s in Holland, there was thus a whole multitude of local groups<br />

who had their own press independent of the GIC, plus quite a few collections of individuals who refused to call<br />

themselves a group. This was the case for example with the ‘councilist’ group in <strong>The</strong> Hague. <strong>The</strong>se groups<br />

defended the same political positions, with only minor disagreements (see Chapter 5).<br />

Paradoxically, the GIC only recognised itself as a political fraction in the Esperantist movement, where it formed<br />

its own council communist Esperantist fraction. 676 Thus, the GIC only found expression as a political<br />

organisation in apolitical educational groups.<br />

<strong>The</strong> GIC’s militants<br />

At first, the nucleus of the group was composed entirely of schoolteachers: Henk Canne-Meijer, <strong>The</strong>o Maassen<br />

(1891-1974) and Piet Coerman (1890-1962), a former friend of Gorter in Bussum. Other elements came later on:<br />

either students or workers. <strong>The</strong> contribution of these last ones, most of them young and without much political<br />

tradition, was proof that the sources of revolutionary militantism had not dried up. <strong>The</strong> adherence of workers,<br />

which brought some ‘proletarian blood’ to the organisation, also proved that the GIC was far from being a mere<br />

coterie of intellectuals with an academic interest in Marxism.<br />

However, like any small group, the GIC was very much marked by its most visible personalities, which gave<br />

certain coloration to the life of the group.<br />

<strong>The</strong> soul of the group was really Henk Canne-Meijer. 677 He was a former metal worker who had become a<br />

teacher, as much to gain the free time needed for political activity as from pedagogic vocation. He was the living<br />

proof of the immense theoretical and political capacities within the proletarian movement, the living proof that<br />

political consciousness among the workers had not been brought from the outside by ‘bourgeois intellectuals’ as<br />

Lenin had argued in What Is To be Done? With a mind more theoretical than practical, gifted with clarity and<br />

simplicity, extremely upright, Canne-Meijer had certain of the typical characteristics of the self-educated. An<br />

encyclopaedic spirit led him to engage in the study of biology and psychology. This encyclopaedic spirit, tinged<br />

with pedagogy, had been particularly strong at certain periods of the workers’ movement, especially among the<br />

self-educated. While such traits may not cause great problems in a small discussion circle, the same is not true<br />

for a political organisation. Canne-Meijer, but also a number of members of the GIC, had a strong propensity for<br />

seeing the organisation as a ‘study group’ whose function is to educate its members and the working class. This<br />

propensity, typical of the council communist groups, could have rapidly imprisoned the GIC in pure<br />

academicism. This was counter-balanced by the presence of other elements who were more active and wanted to<br />

intervene in the life of the class struggle. But the GIC as a whole did not at all see itself as a mere circle of<br />

academic studies on Marxism, content to ‘educate’ the working class elements who approached it.<br />

<strong>The</strong> formation of the small nucleus around Canne-Meijer in 1927 coincided with Pannekoek’s return to political<br />

activity, or at least to a certain form of activity. Having remained silent for six years, he was shaken out of his<br />

676 PIC, No. 13, Sept. 1937, ‘Esperanto als propagandamiddel’.<br />

677 Henk Canne-Meijer (1890-1962) had been part of the NAS – he led in 1917 De jeugdige Werker, organ of the NAS – and<br />

the SDP. At the foundation of the KAPN, he had been on the editorial committee of the paper De Kommunistische Arbeider.<br />

He represented the Berlin tendency within the KAPN. Between 1944 and 1947 he was a member of the Spartacusbond. In<br />

the 1950s he became “a sceptic and withdrew from political activity” [according to an (inaccurate) article by Marc Chirik,<br />

ICC’s leader, in the ICC’s International Review, No. 37, 1984, ‘A lost socialist’]. Netherveless, in the 50s, he was the<br />

mentor of Serge Bricianer, who introduced in France the political thought of Pannekoek.<br />

181

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