07.06.2014 Views

The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

the CPO decided to dissolve in order to mark its complete break with the CPH and the left socialist current. On<br />

15 th July 1935 De Vrije Tribune became the organ of the Verbond van <strong>Communist</strong>en (‘League of <strong>Communist</strong>s’).<br />

This new group had a totally council communist orientation. Like the GIC it defined the USSR as a form of state<br />

capitalism, the latter being a general tendency of capitalism in crisis. Anti-parliamentary and anti-union, it came<br />

out in favour of a “new workers’ movement” and for the “self-activity of the workers” on the basis of “new class<br />

organisations”. Like the GIC, it denounced anti-fascism just as much as fascism. It saw the CP and Sneevliet’s<br />

RSAP as a kind of “radical social democracy”. Soon afterwards the Verbond broke up and most of its members<br />

joined the ‘autonomous’ council communist groups, or like Goedhart moved before 1939 towards a form of<br />

“independent socialism”.<br />

<strong>The</strong> influence of the GIC was also felt in Belgium, wherein 1935 contacts had been made with Adhemar<br />

Hennaut’s LCI. 674<br />

<strong>The</strong> functioning of the GIC: the working groups<br />

<strong>The</strong> greatest weakness of the <strong>Dutch</strong> council communists – which derived from their conception of the function<br />

of the revolutionary organisation (see Chapter 6) – was their mode of functioning. This mode of functioning no<br />

doubt explains their disappearance in 1940 and their inability to deal with clandestinity during the period of the<br />

Occupation.<br />

Although it was really a political group the GIC refused to recognise itself as such. Its existence marked a break<br />

with the organisational tradition of the <strong>Dutch</strong> <strong>Left</strong>. In this sense, the GIC was more an expression of the <strong>German</strong><br />

‘anti-authoritarian’ current, regrouped around Rühle’s AAU-E, than a continuation of the movement around<br />

Gorter, who embodied the party tradition. Because of its ‘anti-authoritarianism’, the GIC refused to function as a<br />

political organisation, and this was the case from its beginnings in 1927. Its meetings had no chair, there was no<br />

treasurer, no statutes, no obligatory dues, no voting, no difference between members and sympathisers. <strong>The</strong><br />

mode of functioning was very close to that of the anarchist groups.<br />

“<strong>The</strong> Group of International <strong>Communist</strong>s had no statutes, no obligatory dues, and its ‘internal’ meetings were<br />

open to all other comrades of other groups. As a result it never knew the exact number of members in the group.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re was never any vote; this was judged unnecessary because you had to avoid any party politics. You<br />

discussed a problem and when there was an important difference of opinion, the various points of view were<br />

noted, and that was it. A majority decision had no significance. <strong>The</strong> working class would decide.” 675<br />

This mode of functioning, which corresponded to that of a discussion circle, was not without dangers. It<br />

condemned the GIC to withdraw into purely theoretical problems, and when political problems were posed, like<br />

the Spanish question (see Chapter 8), it was very difficult to see the demarcations of principle between the<br />

majority and the minority of the group. At the same time, the divergences about intervention, which reflected the<br />

opposition between the activist and more theoretical tendencies, could not be overcome by voting or other<br />

means, and often led to more or less unclear splits.<br />

<strong>The</strong> marked hostility to any idea of centralising the work had been expressed since 1927 by the formation of<br />

‘working groups’. <strong>The</strong>se were organs of political groups which did not dare admit to being such. <strong>The</strong>re were thus<br />

‘working groups’ for international contacts, for the press, for the preparation of discussions, for external<br />

intervention. In this way the GIC was not only a federation of local groups, but also a federation of working<br />

been member of the management council of Radio Free Europe, but condemned American politics in South-East Asia in the<br />

60s.<br />

674 Through Adhemar Hennaut (1899-1977), Bilan published texts of the <strong>Dutch</strong> council communists. On one occasion only,<br />

the GIC informed its readers of the existence of the Italian Fraction, by publishing Mitchell‘s critique of the<br />

Grundprinzipien [cf. PIC, No. 1, Jan. 1937, ‘De Nederlandsche Internationale <strong>Communist</strong>en over het program der<br />

proletarische revolutie’).<br />

675 Radencommunisme, No. 3, cited by ICO, No. 101, Paris, 1971.<br />

180

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!