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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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the <strong>Dutch</strong> theoretical review Radencommunisme expressed this withdrawal from international work. 664 <strong>The</strong><br />

numerous pamphlets brought out in <strong>Dutch</strong>, often in editions of several thousands (see the Bibliography) could<br />

not make up for the absence of a theoretical review in <strong>German</strong>. In fact the press of the GIC was not at all ‘pure<br />

theory’. Certainly it accorded a great importance to the debates within the international council communist<br />

movement (factory organisations, the economic crisis and theories of the crisis, the period of transition). It was<br />

also propagandistic, even though the GIC displayed so much distrust towards the idea of the party: antiparliamentarism,<br />

wildcat strikes and the anti-union struggle, the denunciation of anti-fascist ideology, of<br />

stalinism and social democracy, the struggle against war – these were political themes that were constantly being<br />

raised in the PIC. <strong>The</strong> rejection of politics, understood as ‘party politics’, was more a characteristic of the<br />

council communism of the period after World War II, of the 50s and 60s.<br />

One of the most curious traits of the GIC press was the importance it gave to the Esperanto movement. <strong>The</strong><br />

members of the GIC devoted part of their time to learning Esperanto. <strong>The</strong> Esperanto movement was certainly<br />

very strong in the 20s and 30s, particularly in Holland, but it had an intellectual flavour, despite the hopes some<br />

had in creating a ‘proletarian Esperantism’. This illusion was widespread among the council communists, who<br />

saw it as an essential vehicle for propagating their ideas internationally. This expressed itself in the enormous<br />

energy devoted to the translation of texts into Esperanto. <strong>The</strong>re was the somewhat naive hope that by<br />

propagandising in favour of Esperanto, the ‘world language’ 665 , it would be possible to encourage<br />

‘internationalist tendencies’ within the proletariat. With this in mind, between 1936 and 1939 the GIC brought<br />

out a review in Esperanto: Klasbatalo (Class Struggle), an organ of theory and discussion of the problems facing<br />

the new workers’ movement. This effort soon fell through. 666<br />

Intervention in the class struggle and the GIC’s audience<br />

It is a little known fact that the class struggle in Holland in the 1920s and 30s remained at a high level. In 1920<br />

there were 2.3 million strike days as opposed to 400,000 a year between 1901 and 1918. 667 In that year the<br />

strikes had been particularly powerful in the ports and the transport sector. In 1923-24 there was the big textile<br />

strike in Twente. In 1929, it was the turn of the agricultural workers, who embarked on their biggest ever strike.<br />

But with the great economic crisis, and up until the war, it was the unemployed who were at the centre of the<br />

social stage (almost 20% of the active population of Holland were unemployed in 1936). 668 <strong>The</strong> action of the<br />

unemployed culminated in July 1934 with the uprising in the Jordaan district of Amsterdam (see Chapter 7). But<br />

as in many countries, the factory proletariat remained passive at this time, intimidated by the threat of layoffs.<br />

In these conditions, as with Mattick’s group in the USA, the intervention of the council communists was directed<br />

above all towards the unemployment offices. <strong>The</strong>y seem to have had a positive reception, since the GIC<br />

664 <strong>The</strong>re was a periodical called Internationaler Beobachter, produced between 1938 and 1939 in Amsterdam, but this<br />

publication, supported by the GIC, was for information purposes only, and is without theoretical interest.<br />

665 Esperanto had been created at the end of the 19 th century by the Polish linguist Zamenhof. In 1921 the Esperantist<br />

movement was set up in Prague, under the name of the World Union of the Nationless (SAT), which continues to exist<br />

today. It had lost its original neutrality: many members of the Third International belonged to it but left it in 1930. All that<br />

remained were anarchists, trotskyists, social democrats, CPH sympathisers and council communists. This interest in the<br />

Esperantist movement parallels the council communists’ interest in the free thinkers’ movement (Freidenker), particularly<br />

in <strong>German</strong>y.<br />

666 200 copies of each edition of Klasbatalo (1936-39) [eldonatan de grupo de revoluciaj (proletaj) Esperantistoj –<br />

“published by the group of revolutionary (proletarian) Esperantists”] – were produced and were distributed above all in the<br />

international anarchist milieu. <strong>The</strong> attempt to produce a council communist review in Esperanto was renewed by the<br />

Spartacusbond in the 1950s [cf. PIC, No. 6, March 1937, ‘Esperanto in de klassenstrijd’).<br />

667 See: I. Cornelissen, G. Harmsen and R. de Jong, De taaie rooie rakkers. Een documentaire over het socialisme tussen de<br />

wereldoorlogen (Utrecht: Ambo-Boeken, 1965), pp. 41-74, on the class struggle in Holland in the 1920s.<br />

668 Cf. AA. VV., Winkler Prins geschiedenis der Nederlanden. Vol. 3: De Lage Landen van 1780 tot 1970, and I.J.<br />

Brugmans, Paardekracht en mensenkracht; sociaal-economische geschiedenis van Nederland (1795-1940) (<strong>The</strong> Hague,<br />

1961). In 1935 there were 500,000 unemployed, as opposed to 18,000 in 1929.<br />

178

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