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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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of the textile industry in the Netherlands, which concentrated thousands of proletarians, like in Leiden and<br />

Twente. 6<br />

In 1878 the Social Democratic Association (Sociaal Democratische Vereeniging) was founded in Amsterdam,<br />

and this soon led to the formation of local groups (<strong>The</strong> Hague, Rotterdam, Haarlem) who saw their task as<br />

leading the class struggle. In 1881, the regroupment of these workers’ associations took the name Social<br />

Democratic Union (Sociaal Democratische Bond). Its first secretary was Gerhard, who had been secretary of the<br />

IWMA’s section in <strong>The</strong> Netherlands.<br />

Domela Nieuwenhuis, the SDB and the SDAP<br />

<strong>The</strong> personality who was marking the beginnings of the <strong>Dutch</strong> workers’ movement was that of Ferdinand<br />

Domela Nieuwenhuis (1846-1919), a former pastor converted to socialism. At the time Domela Nieuwenhuis<br />

was not yet an anarchist and led big campaigns for universal suffrage. <strong>The</strong> activities of his movement consisted<br />

of leading economic strikes and helping to set up trade unions. <strong>The</strong> foundation in 1879 of the periodical Recht<br />

voor Allen (‘Right for All’) – which became the organ of the Sociaal Democratische Bond – encouraged<br />

agitation amongst workers’ groups. Its activities were varied: distribution of leaflets in the factories and<br />

barracks, the education of the proletariat through courses on Marxism, demonstrations and meetings against the<br />

army, the churches, the monarchy, alcoholism and class justice. Repression was soon to descend on the young<br />

workers’ movement. Not only was Domela Nieuwenhuis arrested and condemned to a year of prison; for the first<br />

time in its history, the police force was armed, and could be assisted by the military “in case of a conflict”. <strong>The</strong><br />

police had the right to be present in public meetings, to dissolve them and to arrest socialist speakers.<br />

Considering himself a disciple of Marx and Engels, for a long time Domela Nieuwenhuis kept up a written<br />

correspondence with the theoreticians of scientific socialism 7 . <strong>The</strong> latter, though following sympathetically the<br />

development of the socialist movement in <strong>The</strong> Netherlands, had many reservations about the immediately<br />

“revolutionist” conceptions of Domela Nieuwenhuis. Marx warned against ‘doctrinaire’ views which sought to<br />

draw up plans for “a programme of action for the first day after the revolution”. 8 <strong>The</strong> over-turning of society<br />

could not be a “dream about the world to come”. On the contrary, “<strong>The</strong> scientific notion of the inevitable and<br />

constant decomposition of the existing social order, the increasing exasperation of the masses with governments<br />

which incarnate the ghosts of the past, and on the other hand the positive development of the means of<br />

production, all this guarantees that at the moment when the true proletarian revolution breaks out, the modus<br />

operandi (all the conditions) of its immediate progress (nothing idyllic, of course) will have been created.”<br />

Domela Nieuwenhuis’ importance in the Netherlands lies not only in his activity as an agitator and organiser of<br />

the working class. He was the first to publish an abridged version of Marx’s Capital. This being said, he was far<br />

from being a Marxist theoretically. His innumerable writings reveal a theoretical eclecticism, combining social<br />

humanism and ethical religiosity, with a persistent attachment to the Christianity of the founding fathers. A<br />

propagandist for atheism and ‘free thought’ – the groups of “free thinkers” had a considerable echo in the early<br />

6 Caljé, P.A.J. & J.C. den Hollander, De nieuwste geschiedenis. Overzicht van de algemene contemporaine geschiedenis<br />

vanaf 1870 tot heden (Utrecht: Aula Pocket 842, 1995).<br />

7 ‘Marx-Engels-Nachlass’, Letter from F. Domela Nieuwenhuis to K. Marx, 28 March 1882.<br />

8 Marx answered to Nieuwenhuis: “ <strong>The</strong> doctrinaire and necessarily fantastic anticipations of the programme of action for a<br />

revolution of the future only divert us from the struggle of the present. <strong>The</strong> dream that the end of the world was at hand<br />

inspired the early Christians in their struggle with the Roman Empire and gave them confidence in victory. Scientific insight<br />

into the inevitable disintegration of the dominant order of society continually proceeding before our eyes, and the evergrowing<br />

passion into which the masses are scourged by the old ghosts of government – while at the same time the positive<br />

development of the means of production advances with gigantic strides – all this is a sufficient guarantee that with the<br />

moment of the outbreak of a real proletarian revolution there will also be given the conditions (though these are certain not<br />

to be idyllic) of its next immediate modus operandi.” [Letter from K. Marx to F. Domela Nieuwenhuis, 22 February, 1881,<br />

MEW, Vol. 35, pp. 159-160.]<br />

17

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