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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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large towns passed from capitalism to socialism, the open countryside from feudalism to capitalism. In the large<br />

towns a proletarian revolution was accomplished; in the country, the bourgeois revolution” 598 .<br />

<strong>The</strong> Russian revolution was then, according to the KAPD, a “compromise between two revolutions”. 599 <strong>The</strong><br />

‘serfs’ in the countryside were allied with the proletariat against the ‘feudal nobility’. And these same ‘serfs’<br />

constituted the ‘bourgeois class’ by occupying the land. This conception was divorced from historical reality,<br />

serfdom having been abolished since the end of the 19 th century and the countryside widely penetrated by<br />

capitalism since Stolypin. On the other hand, the immense majority of the peasantry were too economically<br />

backward to be considered as a bourgeoisie. <strong>The</strong> KAPD looked for the bourgeoisie where they were not to be<br />

found. <strong>The</strong> bureaucracy was analysed in terms of its social composition and not of its function in the relations of<br />

production: the bureaucracy was the expression of the petty-bourgeoisie on the basis of an economy of scarcity<br />

and not of a bourgeois function.<br />

As opposed to the council communism of the thirties, the KAPD and Gorter gave no support to the idea that the<br />

Russian revolution could only have been bourgeois. This could only have been a regression, an involution; the<br />

phase of the proletarian revolution was on the agenda in Russia, but had been liquidated to the profit of the<br />

bourgeois state, corresponding to the lower phase of the bourgeois revolution 600 : “Proletarian Soviet Russia is<br />

starting to be transformed into a bourgeois state” 601 “<strong>The</strong> Russian proletariat has been dispossessed of its<br />

state...” 602<br />

<strong>The</strong> consequence was that Soviet Russia must “reach a point of supporting the international counterrevolution”.<br />

603 This position called into question the defence of Soviet Russia. This defence was “to be<br />

considered case by case”: its government must be supported by the world proletariat on the condition that “it<br />

fought with the Russian industrial proletariat against the common enemy: the feudal nobility; it must be fought<br />

when it represented the interests of the bourgeoisie and the peasantry against the Russian proletariat”. 604<br />

In spite of the counter-revolution the KAPD strongly affirmed that the lessons of the Russian proletarian<br />

revolution remained valid world-wide; they must be applied anew in the future Russian revolution:<br />

“<strong>The</strong> revolutionary proletariat of the entire world owes the Russian proletariat an infinite debt. <strong>The</strong> Russian<br />

proletariat has shown it the ways and the methods (mass strike and insurrection) which open the way to political<br />

power; at the same time it has shown the form of the proletarian state: the workers’ councils. <strong>The</strong>re is the great<br />

action, there is the incommensurable success of the Russian revolution!”. 605<br />

<strong>The</strong> second point approached by Dethmann’s pamphlet was the attitude that the KAPD should adopt towards the<br />

Russian <strong>Communist</strong> Party. This remained uncertain. On the one hand, implicitly, the Bolshevik Party, although<br />

in degeneration, was considered capable of producing proletarian fractions: the KAPD relied heavily on the<br />

Workers’ Opposition for the birth, through a split, of a second proletarian party. On the other hand, the Russian<br />

598 (A. Dethmann), Die Sowjetregierung und die 3. Internationale im Schlepptau der intemationalen Bourgeoisie!, op. cit.,<br />

p. 7.<br />

599 Op. cit., p. 17.<br />

600 <strong>The</strong> militants of the KAPD protested at the congress of September 1921 against a schematic vision of ‘stages’ of the<br />

revolution; thus Carl Happ, KAP official in Hamburg: “<strong>The</strong> schematic theory of stages, feudalism, capitalism, communism,<br />

I consider it a dry and accursed theory...” [Proceedings already cited, pp. 96-99).<br />

601 (A. Dethmann), Die Sowjetregierung und die 3. Internationale im Schlepptau der Intemationalen Bourgeoisie!,op. cit.,<br />

p. 15.<br />

602 Idem, p. 22.<br />

603 Ibid.<br />

604 Idem, p. 25.<br />

605 Idem, p. 28.<br />

Pannekoek defended the ‘proletarian character’ of this revolution; he also emphasised the ‘proletarian role’ of the Bolshevik<br />

Party: “<strong>The</strong> action of the Bolsheviks is incommensurably great for the revolution in Western Europe. <strong>The</strong>y have first, by<br />

taking political power, given an example to the proletariat of the entire world... By their praxis they have posed the great<br />

principles of communism: dictatorship of the proletariat and the system of soviets or councils...” [In: Proletarier, No. 6,<br />

June 1921, ‚Sowjet Rußland und der west-europäische Kommunismus’.]<br />

162

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