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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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committee is also of the opinion that the foundation, tactics and form of organisation of this KAI must be<br />

adapted to the conditions of struggle of the proletarian revolution.<br />

“<strong>The</strong> central committee declares that our policy towards the Soviet government is not determined by its present<br />

attitude. Since the Soviet government acts as a factor in the proletarian revolution, the KAPD has the duty to<br />

support it with an active solidarity. Should it leave this terrain and behave as an agent of the bourgeois<br />

revolution, it must be firmly combated by the KAPD.” 588<br />

<strong>The</strong> Russian question proletarian revolution or dual revolution was right at the heart of the debate in the KAPD.<br />

Gorter, the KAPD and the building of the KAI<br />

Gorter and the <strong>Dutch</strong> – except Pannekoek, who for political and professional reasons, retired from political<br />

activity until 1927 589 – were very active in the debates in the KAPD. But, contrary to the years of 1919 and<br />

1920, this activity proved mainly negative for the KAPD, for the confusion that it helped bring into it.<br />

a) <strong>The</strong> Russian question: state capitalism, party and International<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Dutch</strong> theoreticians were late in making a critical evaluation of the course followed by the Russian<br />

revolution. Until 1920 their position was that the Russian revolution was orientated towards communism. <strong>The</strong>y<br />

carefully distinguished the politics of the Bolshevik Party in the International from the economic policy which<br />

was followed by it and the state. Pannekoek affirmed that in Russia: “Industry, centralised to a very great extent,<br />

avoids all form of exploitation” something which the Bolsheviks never claimed, given the transitory nature of<br />

the new economy. And he concluded that Russia could not endure the decadence of capitalism; on the contrary it<br />

was “engaged in opening to a new civilisation” which would make it “the centre of the new world communist<br />

order”. 590 If, nevertheless, Pannekoek emphasised the danger of a “new bureaucracy”, he did not see it bringing<br />

the counter-revolution. <strong>The</strong> danger of counter-revolution would come essentially from the outside: the insertion<br />

of the Soviet state into a modus vivendi with world capitalism, through diplomacy. State capitalism was not a<br />

question at all. For Gorter and Pannekoek the Russian revolution was proletarian in the same way as the<br />

Bolshevik Party.<br />

Gorter, however, very early, from 1918, thought that the peasantry embodied the mortal danger for the Russian<br />

revolution. In a letter to Pannekoek, he wrote: “<strong>The</strong> greatest danger for Soviet Russia is not the counterrevolution,<br />

and perhaps not even the Entente, but the peasants”. 591 This obsession with the peasantry as the only<br />

counter-revolutionary factor appeared in 1921 after the crushing of the revolt of workers and sailors in Kronstadt<br />

and with the NEP, in a pamphlet entitled: <strong>The</strong> Moscow International published by the KAPD. 592 Gorter’s<br />

analysis of the nature of the Russian state and the Komintern was purely phenomenological. According to him<br />

the Russian state had become ‘petty bourgeois’, just like the 3 rd International. <strong>The</strong> Russian revolution became a<br />

dual revolution, “in a small part proletarian communist; for the greater part, democratic peasant”. Such an<br />

analysis, which was overhasty to say the least, was poles apart from Marxism. <strong>The</strong> peasantry, like the petty-<br />

588 Idem, KAZ (Berlin), No. 219.<br />

589 Pannekoek retired from the workers’ movement as much to devote himself to his work in astronomy as to, in his own<br />

words, ‘orientate’ himself personally in the debates in the KAPD, without belonging to a party. This conception is similar to<br />

that of Bordiga who withdrew from the revolutionary movement for 15 years. But Pannekoek theorised this retreat from<br />

militant activity: “I consider the party form and the conception of belonging to a party in large part a survival of the old<br />

socialist period of the workers’ movement, which, while inevitable in certain respects, is however totally harmful. For these<br />

reasons I remain outside [the KAPN]” [Letter to the secretary of the KAPN, 12 March 1927, in: Canne-Meijer Archives,<br />

map 37, IISG, Amsterdam.]<br />

590 In: S. Bricianer, Pannekoek et les conseils ouvriers, op. cit., p. 193.<br />

591 Quoted by Gorter, Die Moskauer Intemationale (Berlin: KAPD Verlag, July 1921), p. 5.<br />

592 <strong>The</strong> text of the pamphlet was also published in Proletarier, theoretical organ of the KAPD, No. 7, July 1921.<br />

160

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