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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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<strong>The</strong> KAPD, for its part, also fell into adventurism. When the workers of Central <strong>German</strong>y, and those of the<br />

Leuna chemical factories, hesitated to engage in armed struggle against the Social Democratic police, it pushed<br />

for insurrection. It addressed exalted proclamations to the <strong>German</strong> workers: “With guns and knives, with fists<br />

and teeth, go to work. <strong>The</strong> die is cast!” Not seeing the putschist manoeuvre of the VKPD, the KAP believed that<br />

“the masses of the VKP are active and are following [their] slogans. <strong>The</strong>y have compelled their leaders to do<br />

this”. 545 <strong>The</strong> KAPD also formed a struggle committee with the VKPD to co-ordinate the action, as much on the<br />

level of strikes as on the ‘military’ level.<br />

However, faced with the government offensive, the strike call launched by the KAPD and the VKPD in the<br />

whole of <strong>German</strong>y got little response. In the whole country about 300,000 workers followed the call. <strong>The</strong> strike<br />

met with very little response in Berlin despite the attempt to occupy the factories by surprise and prevent the<br />

workers from going to work. <strong>The</strong> common demonstration of the two parties, the KAPD and the VKPD, attracted<br />

4,000 people, and that only with great difficulty. In the majority of cases the workers remained very suspicious,<br />

if not hostile, towards this type of action.<br />

<strong>The</strong> KAPD, in spite of its great militancy in the March Action, was divided, particularly in central <strong>German</strong>y. On<br />

the one hand two leaders of the KAPD Franz Jung and Fritz Rasch were sent by the party centre to co-ordinate<br />

strikes and actions with the VKPD. On the other Max Hölz, arriving in Berlin, organised in Central <strong>German</strong>y but<br />

without any link to the KAPD his own action commandos which conducted a guerrilla struggle against the police<br />

in the mining district of Eisleben. It was the same for Karl Plättner and a throng of other anonymous leaders of<br />

the KAPD, who set up their own militia, but in a less publicised way than Hölz. Such actions were, besides,<br />

disowned by the workers of the gigantic Leuna factory, of whom at least half were sympathetic to the AAU and<br />

the KAPD. <strong>The</strong> leaders of the AAU and the KAPD at Leuna, Peter Utzelmann 546 and Max Pretzlow, who had<br />

called the strike and formed an action committee with the VKPD, which was concretised in the formation of 17<br />

armed proletarian squads, rejected all armed struggle with the police. Given the unfavourable relations of force,<br />

a confrontation would be “an insane and criminal holocaust”. 547 <strong>The</strong>y were unaware that Max Hölz was several<br />

kilometres away and that Jung and Rasch were on the spot. In consequence they evacuated a large part of the<br />

insurgents on the night of the 28 th March to prevent a massacre. <strong>The</strong> next day the factory was bombarded by the<br />

police who killed 34 workers and took 1,500 prisoners. <strong>The</strong>re was great bitterness among the militants of the<br />

KAPD at Leuna who disagreed with their party and with the tactic of Max Hölz. 548 This latter, with his 2,000<br />

partisans, was surrounded, and after a battle lasting ten days, had to abandon the fight on 15 th April. On 31 st<br />

March, the VKPD withdrew from the armed struggle. That was the end of the March Action, in defeat.<br />

A heavy price was paid for the March Action: a hundred killed in the workers’ ranks, thousands arrested,<br />

thousands condemned to the fortress. Hölz, Plättner, and Utzelmann were sentenced to hard labour. <strong>The</strong> result<br />

545 KAZ (Berlin), Nos. 181 and 182. <strong>The</strong> KAPD incontestably gave in to putschism. It had been particularly strong in August<br />

1920, for example on 21 st August 1920, in Velbert in the Ruhr the KAPD set up a ‘republic of councils’ which lasted 17<br />

hours! [cf. O. Ihlau, Die Roten Kämpfer. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung in der Weimarer Republik und<br />

im Dritten Reich (Erlangen: Politladen-Reprint 8, 1971), p. 19].<br />

546 Cf. O. Ihlau, op. cit., pp. 19-21.<br />

547 Franz Peter Utzelmann interview, February 1966, by Olaf Ihlau, op. cit. Peter Utzelmann (1895-1972) [pseudonym:<br />

Kempin], born in Berlin, furniture maker, sailor, later operator; took part in the sailors’ revolt of Kiel in 1918, to the<br />

Spartakist insurrection of January 1919, and the general strike against the Kapp-putsch. Sent to prison for life after the<br />

March Action, he was released thanks to an amnesty in 1923. He left the KAPD then; after 1928, member of the SPD, then<br />

member of the “Rote Kämpfer” group set up by Schröder and Schwab in 1930, until his arrest by Gestapo in 1937. He was<br />

condemned to four and a half years of hard labour. During the war in a disciplinary battalion. He became member of the<br />

SED in 1946, taking part in the activities of the Weiland’s group, and in 1949 he was in charge of wood industries in the<br />

Soviet zone (SBZ). In jail in 1949; he could flee to Western Berlin in 1950, where he had some difficulty to be recognised<br />

as a political refugee.<br />

548 Utzelmann and other members of the KAP in Leuna would have “shot Hölz down”, if they had had the opportunity<br />

(interview mentioned above). <strong>The</strong> Mexican writer Paco Ignacio Taibo II has given a romantic evocation of Max Hölz, as<br />

‘political heretic’, in his book Arcángeles. Doce historias de revolucionarios herejes del siglo XX (Mexico: Editorial<br />

Planeta Mexicana, 1998).<br />

151

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