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The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

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attitude of the left communists. Goldstein gave a more exact appreciation of the proletarian meaning of<br />

Kronstadt:<br />

“<strong>The</strong> antagonism between the proletariat and the Soviet government has been sharpened since the outbreak of<br />

food riots in Moscow and Petrograd: the Soviet government took very severe measures, which were no different<br />

from those adopted by a capitalist state. I should add that the Kronstadt uprising ought to be interpreted as a<br />

symptom of the antagonism between the proletariat and the Soviet government. <strong>The</strong> history of the Kronstadt<br />

insurrection is not only that of foreign capital which played as a factor against the Soviet government, but also<br />

the fact the great majority of the Russian proletariat were from the bottom of their hearts on the side of the<br />

Kronstadt insurgents.” 537<br />

This attitude of the KAPD organs was much clearer and better founded than that adopted by Gorter. <strong>The</strong> latter<br />

was accused by Radek and Zinoviev at the 3 rd Congress of the Komintern of ‘supporting Kronstadt’. 538 While<br />

noting that the Russian proletariat had risen against the <strong>Communist</strong> Party and that he would much prefer to have<br />

“a dictatorship of the class instead of a dictatorship of the party”, Gorter found the measures taken by the<br />

Bolsheviks with regard to Kronstadt “necessary”. <strong>The</strong>y had crushed the “counter-revolution” and Gorter<br />

implicitly envisaged that left communists would be lead to take such measures in the West if the counterrevolution<br />

in a part of the proletariat were to be as strong:<br />

“You can still when a part of the proletariat rises against you at Kronstadt and Petrograd repress the counterrevolution,<br />

because there it is weak enough. But with us it would triumph, if a part of the proletariat rose against<br />

us. For with us the counter-revolution is very powerful.” 539<br />

This conception, strange on the part of a militant appealing for a “dictatorship of the class” in the form of the<br />

councils (a demand which had been in part formulated at Kronstadt), is explained above all by the setting up of<br />

the NEP (New Economic Policy) on 15 th March, at the time when the assault was made against Kronstadt. This<br />

constituted, as Riazanov rightly emphasised, a veritable “peasant Brest-Litovsk”. <strong>The</strong> freedom for the peasants<br />

to dispose of their surplus, the freedom to trade were all retreats before the forces of the petty-bourgeoisie. If this<br />

concession was for Lenin a temporary retreat, it nevertheless heralded the famous ‘enrich yourselves’ addressed<br />

by Bukharin to the kulaks. It is symptomatic that these measures, more than the repression, disarmed all attempt<br />

at an insurrection of soldiers in favour of the Kronstadt mutiny.<br />

Gorter, unlike the KAPD which had begun to build close relations with the Russian left communists and was<br />

better informed saw in Kronstadt and the NEP the triumph of a peasant counter-revolution. 540 According to him,<br />

“a little action by a group of peasants it is said that the crews of the warships were for the most part made up of<br />

the sons of peasants would be sufficient” for “communism to fall at the slightest blow”. <strong>The</strong> Bolshevik Party<br />

appeared then as the party of the peasantry and “the proletariat made to serve the peasantry”. 541<br />

the organ of the opposition in Holland, De Kommunistiche Arbeider. <strong>The</strong> ‘Solidarity group’ published an English version in<br />

September 1968.<br />

537 Intervention at the extraordinary congress of the KAPD in Berlin, 11 th -14 th Sept. 1921. Reproduced in the proceedings:<br />

Cl. Klockner (ed.), Protokoll des ausserordentichen Parteitages der KAPD vom 11. bis 14.9.1921 in Berlin (Darmstadt:<br />

Verlag für wissenschaftliche Publikationen, 1986), pp. 58-59.<br />

538 Cf. Protokoll des III. Weltkongresses der Kommunistischen Internationale. Mokau vom 22. Juni bis 12. Juli 1921<br />

(Hamburg: 1921) [reprint: Erlangen: Verlag Karl Liebknecht, 1973], pp. 90 and 342. Schwab [pseudonyms: Franz Sachs;<br />

Sigrist), KAPD delegate to the 3 rd Congress had the same point of view as Gorter, declaring that: Gorter does not side with<br />

the Kronstadt insurgents and it is the same for the KAPD [p. 621).<br />

539 H. Gorter, Die Klassenkampf Organisation des Proletariats, Berlin, 1921, p. 245 of the collection by H.M. Bock, A.<br />

Pannekoek, H. Gorter, Organisation und Taktik der proletarischen revolution, Frankfurt am Main, 1969.<br />

540 <strong>The</strong> KAPD delegates in Moscow had more contact with the group of Efim Nikitich Ignatov (1890-1937?) in Moscow (cf.<br />

KAZ No. 204) than with Alexandra Kollontai. <strong>The</strong> Ignatov group demanded the respect for workers’ democracy and the<br />

struggle against the party bureaucracy. It also demanded, and this did not displease the KAPD, that the responsible organs<br />

of the Bolshevik Party should be at least two thirds composed of workers. It was based on the Workers’ Opposition.<br />

541 Cf. H. Gorter, Die Kommunistiche Arbeiter Internationale, Berlin, 1923 (reprint: Copenhagen: ‚Kommunismen’, 1972).<br />

149

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