07.06.2014 Views

The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

The German-Dutch Communist Left - Libcom

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

ended up joining the Third International in April 1919. Rutgers was associated to the work of the Executive<br />

Committee.<br />

<strong>The</strong> left currents in the Komintern (<strong>Communist</strong> International) in 1919.<br />

<strong>The</strong> left developed in the Third International during 1919 because of the influence of the <strong>German</strong> revolution. For<br />

all the left currents this represented the beginning of the proletarian movement in western industrialised Europe.<br />

In spite of the defeat suffered in Berlin in January 1919 when the proletariat was crushed by the Social<br />

Democratic government of Noske and Scheidemann, the world revolution had never seemed so close. A republic<br />

of soviets had been established in Hungary as well as Bavaria. <strong>The</strong> situation in Austria remained revolutionary.<br />

Large mass strikes were shaking Britain and were breaking out in Italy. Even the American continent was shaken<br />

by the revolutionary wave from Seattle to Buenos Aires. 401 <strong>The</strong> proletariat in the most developed countries was<br />

on the move. Revolutionaries thought that the seizure of power would take place in the near future, so it was<br />

necessary to examine what tactic should be adopted in the central capitalist countries where the revolution would<br />

be more purely proletarian than in Russia.<br />

<strong>The</strong> revolutionary wave, in other words the experience of the workers themselves when confronted with the<br />

state, demanded a change in tactic because it marked the end of the peaceful period of capitalism’s growth. All<br />

the revolutionary currents recognised the validity of the theses of the First Congress of the 3 rd International:<br />

“1. <strong>The</strong> present period is one of the decomposition and collapse of the whole capitalist system internationally<br />

and it will mean the collapse of European civilisation in general if capitalism, with its insoluble contradictions, is<br />

not overthrown.<br />

“2. <strong>The</strong> task of the proletariat now is to seize state power. Taking state power means destroying the bourgeois<br />

state apparatus and organising a new apparatus of proletarian power. 402<br />

In the new period it was the practice of the workers themselves that called into question the old parliamentary<br />

and Unionist tactics. <strong>The</strong> Russian proletariat dissolved parliament after it had taken power and in <strong>German</strong>y a<br />

significant mass of workers pronounced in favour of boycotting the elections in December 1918. In Russia and<br />

<strong>German</strong>y the council form appeared as the only form for the revolutionary struggle, replacing the union<br />

structure. But the class struggle in <strong>German</strong>y had also revealed an antagonism between the proletariat and the<br />

unions. When the unions had participated in the bloody repression of January 1919 and political organs of<br />

struggle emerged – the Unions (AAU) – the slogan was not to re-conquer the old unions but to destroy them. 403<br />

By founding the Komintern on the programmes of both the <strong>German</strong> CP and the Bolsheviks, the new<br />

International in fact accepted the anti-parliamentary and anti-union left currents. Had the Congress of the<br />

401 <strong>The</strong> IWW led the Seattle strike which spread to Vancouver and Winnipeg, in Canada. In the same year, 1919, powerful<br />

strikes broke out among the metalworkers of Pennsylvania. <strong>The</strong>se strikes were fought by the unions and harshly repressed<br />

by the police of the bosses and the federal government. In Argentina, dozens of workers were killed during the ‘bloody<br />

week’ in Buenos Aires. At the extreme south of the continent, the agricultural workers of Patagonia were savagely<br />

repressed. For the USA, see J. Brecher, Streiks und Arbeiterrevolten, pp. 195-129 (Frankfurt: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag,<br />

1975).<br />

402 Letter of invitation to the Congress, in: P. Broué, op. cit., p. 40.<br />

403 <strong>The</strong> first union (AAU) that was not anarcho-syndicalist – as they were in the Ruhr – appeared in Bremen in autumn 1919.<br />

Its publication Kampfruf, Flugzeitung für die revolutionäre Betriebsorganisation stated clearly that it did not want to<br />

“become a new union”. <strong>The</strong> AAU of Bremen declared itself “in favour of the seizure of political power” and denounced the<br />

syndicalists as “enemies of the political dictatorship of the proletariat” (Kampfruf No. 1, 15 Oct. 1919, Was ist die AAU?).<br />

<strong>The</strong> doctorate these of Hans Bötcher, written in 1919-21, gives impressive information on the birth of the <strong>German</strong> Unionen<br />

and also on the American IWW. See: Zur revolutionären Gewerkschaftsbewegung in Amerika, Deutschland und England<br />

(Jena: Verlag Gustav Fischer, 1922).<br />

117

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!