Chomsky on Anarchism.pdf - Zine Library

More documents

Recommendations

Info

CHOMSKY ON ANARCHISM internal policies or methods of achieving power." Phibun got the point. In August 1949, "he stated that foreign pressure had become 'alarming' and that internal Communist activity had 'vigorously increased.'" In 1950, Truman approved a $10 million grant for military aid. The new rulers made use of the substantial American military aid to conven the political system into "a more powerful and ruthless fo rm of authoritarianism," and to develop an extensive system of corruption, nepotism, and profiteering that helped maintain (he loyalty of their followers. At (he same time, "American corporations moved in, purchasing large quantities of rubber and tin ... shipments of raw materials now went direcrly to the United States instead of through Hong Kong and Singapore."41 By 1958, "the United States purchased 90 per cent of Thailand's rubber and most of its tin." American investment, however, remained low, because of the political instability as well as "the problems caused by more extensive public ownership and economic planning." To improve matters, the Sarit dictatorship (see below) introduced tax benefits and guarantees against nationalization and competition from government-owned commercial enterprises, and finally banned trade with China and abolished all monopolies, government or private, "in an attempt to attract private foreign capital." American influence gave "material and moral suppOrt" to the Phibun dictatorship and "discouraged the political opposition." It strengthened the executive power and "encouraged the military leaders to take even stronger measures in suppressing local opposition, using the excuse that all anti-government activity was Communist-inspired." In 1954, Pridi Phanomyong, a liberal intellectual who had been the major participant in the overthrow of the absolute monarchy in 1932, had led the Free Thai underground during the war, and had been elected in 1946 when Thai democracy reached "an all-time high," appeared in Communist China; the United States was supporting Phibun, "who had been an ally of the Japanese, while Pridi, who had courageously assisted the OSS, was in Peking cooperating with the Chinese Communists." This was "ironic." It is difficult to imagine what sort of development towards a constitutional, parliamentary system might have taken place had it nor been fo r Americansupported subversion. The liberals were extremely weak in any event, in particular because of the domination of the economy by Western and Chinese enterprises linked with the corrupt governmental bureaucracy. The Coup Group that had overthrown the government "was composed almost entirely of commoners, many of whom had come from the peasantry or low-ranking militaryand civil service families," and who now wanted their share in corruption and authoritarian control. The opposition "Democrats" were, for the most part, "members of the royal family or conservative landowners who wanted to preserve their role in the government and their personal wealth." Whatever opportunities might have existed for the development of some more equitable 35
OBJECTIVITY AND LIBERAL SCHOLARSHIP sociery disappeared once the American presence became dominant, however. Surely any Thai liberal reformer must have been aware of this by 1950, in the wake of the coups, the fa rcical rigged elections, the murder and torture of leaders of the Free Thai ami-Japanese underground, the takeover by the mili£ary of the political and much of rhe commercial system-particularly when he listened to the words of American Ambassador Stamon as he signed a new aid agreement: "The American people fully support this program of aid to Thailand because of their deep interest in the Thai people whose devotion to the ideals of freedom and liberty and wholehearted support of the UN have won the admiration of the American people." "A notable trend throughout this period was rhe growing intimacy bervveen rhe Thai military leaders and rhe top-level military officials from rhe United Srates," who helped them obtain "large-scale foreign aid which in turn bolstered their polirical power." The head of the American military mission, Colonel Charles Sheldon. stated that Thailand was "threatened by armed aggression by people who do nor believe in democracy, who do nor believe in freedom or rhe digniry of rhe individual man as do the people of Thailand and my counrry." Adlai Stevenson, in 1953, warned the Thai leaders "that their country was the real target of the Vietminh." and expressed his hope that they "fully appreciate the rhreat." Meanwhile, United States assistance had built a powerful army and supplied the police with tanks, artillery, armored cars, an 36 air force, naval patrol vessels, and a training school fo r paratroopers. The police achieved one of the highest ratios of policemen to citizens in the world-about 1 to 400. The police chief meanwhile relied on "his monopoly of the opium trade and his extensive commercial enrerprises for the income he needed to suppOrt his personal political machine," while rhe army chief "received an enormoliS income from the national lottery." Ir was later discovered that the chief of police had committed indescribable arroci(ies; "rhe extent of (he tonure and murder commi((ed by rhe former police chief will probably never be known." What is known is what came to light after Sarit, the army chief. took power in a new coup in 1957. Sarit "stressed rhe need to maintain a stable government and intensify rhe suppression oflocal Communists to 'ensure continued American trust, confidence and aid.'" The Americans were naturally gratified, and the official reaction was very favorable. When Sarit died in 1963 it was discovered that his personal fortune reached perhaps $137 million. Both Darling and Roger Hilsman refer to him as a "benevolent" dictator, perhaps because he "realized that Communism could not be stopped solely by mass arrests. firing squads. or threats of bcutal punishment, and launched a development projecr in the Nonheast regions," along with various other mild reforms-without, however, ceasing the fo rmer practices, which he felt might "irnpress the Americans again with the need for more military and economic aid ro prevent 'Communist' subversion." He also imposed rigid censorship, abolished trade organizations and labor unions and
Page 2 and 3: CHOMSKY ON ANRRCHISM SELECTED AND E
Page 4: CHOMSKY ON ANARCHISM PREFACE 5 INTR
Page 7 and 8: PREFACE pmential is stunted and def
Page 9 and 10: INTRODUCTION B working together in
Page 11 and 12: INTRODUCTION out being concerned ab
Page 13 and 14: OBJECTIVITY AND LIBERAL SCHOLARSHIP
Page 35: OBJECTIVITY AND LIBERAL SCHOLARSHIP
Page 87 and 88:
OBJECTIVITY AND LIBERAL SCHOLARSHIP
Page 89 and 90:
Page 91 and 92:
Page 93 and 94:
Page 95 and 96:
OBJECTIVITY AND LI BERAL SCHOLARSHI
Page 97 and 98:
Page 99 and 100:
Page 101 and 102:
Page 103 and 104:
LRNGURGE FIND FREEDOM human spirit
Page 105 and 106:
LRNGURGE FIND FREEDOM In every anim
Page 107 and 108:
LRNGUAGE AND FREEDOM
Page 109 and 110:
Page 111 and 112:
LRNGUAGE AND FREEDOM other facultie
Page 113 and 114:
Page 115 and 116:
LRNGURGE FIND FREEDOM 1. 1. 4 deriv
Page 117 and 118:
LRNGUAGE AND FREEDOM ty, or even in
Page 119 and 120:
THREE NOTES ON ANARCHISM (1970) U8
Page 121 and 122:
NOTES ON RNRRCHISM through (he taki
Page 123 and 124:
NOTES ON RNRRCHISM 1. 22 shabby, an
Page 125 and 126:
NOTES ON RNRRCHISM meO( of a man, b
Page 127 and 128:
NOTES ON RNRRCHISM bourgeoisie. It
Page 129 and 130:
NOTES ON RNRRCHISM 1. 28 remarks by
Page 131 and 132:
NOTES ON RNRRCHISM NOTES This essay
Page 133 and 134:
NOTES ON RNRRCHISM 27 For discussio
Page 135 and 136:
THE RElEVANCE OF ANARCHO-SYNDICALIS
Page 137 and 138:
Page 139 and 140:
Page 141 and 142:
Page 143 and 144:
Page 145 and 146:
Page 147 and 148:
Page 149 and 150:
Page 151 and 152:
PREFACE TO ANTOLOGIJA ANARHIlMA
Page 153 and 154:
PREFACE TO ANTOLOGIJA ANARHIlMA of
Page 155 and 156:
CONTRINING THE THREAT OF DEMOCRACY
Page 157 and 158:
CONTRINING THE THRERT OF DEMOCRACY
Page 159 and 160:
Page 161 and 162:
Page 163 and 164:
Page 165 and 166:
Page 167 and 168:
Page 169 and 170:
Page 171 and 172:
Page 173 and 174:
Page 175 and 176:
Page 177 and 178:
Page 179 and 180:
SEVEN ANARCHISM , MARXISM AND HOPE
Page 181 and 182:
RNRRCHISM, MRRXISM RND HOPE FOR THE
Page 183 and 184:
Page 185 and 186:
Page 187 and 188:
Page 189 and 190:
Page 191 and 192:
EIGHT GOALS AND VISIONS (1996) In r
Page 193 and 194:
GOALS AND VISIONS It should be adde
Page 195 and 196:
GOALS AND VISIONS 1928 that "Labour
Page 197 and 198:
GOALS AND VISIONS understand what l
Page 199 and 200:
GOALS AND VISIONS 1. 98 assisted ma
Page 201 and 202:
GOALS AND VISIONS Medicine cites th
Page 203 and 204:
GOALS AND VISIONS 202 It is intrigu
Page 205 and 206:
GOALS AND VISIONS 204 can be attain
Page 207 and 208:
GOALS AND VISIONS power lies elsewh
Page 209 and 210:
GOALS AND VISIONS funds that serve
Page 211 and 212:
GOALS AND VISIONS Minnesota Press,
Page 213 and 214:
NINE ANARCHISM, INTELLECTUALS AND T
Page 215 and 216:
ANARCHISM, INTEllECTUALS FIND THE S
Page 217 and 218:
ANARCHISM, INTEllECTUALS FIND THE S
Page 219 and 220:
218 ANARCHISM, INTEllECTUALS FIND T
Page 221 and 222:
ANARCHISM, INTEllECTUALS AND THE ST
Page 223 and 224:
INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTEMRN I was
Page 225 and 226:
INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTEMRN every
Page 227 and 228:
INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTEMRN My son
Page 229 and 230:
INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTE MRN reall
Page 231 and 232:
INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTE MRN ing c
Page 233 and 234:
INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTE MRN it-th
Page 235 and 236:
ELEVEN INTERVIEW WITH ZIGA VOD OVN
Page 237 and 238:
INTERVIEW WITH ZIGA VODOVNIK J thin
Page 239 and 240:
INTERVIEW WITH ZIGA VODOVNIK onize
Page 241 and 242:
INTERVIEW WITH ZIGA VODOVNIK What i
show all

Chomsky on Anarchism.pdf - Zine Library

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?