Chomsky on Anarchism.pdf - Zine Library

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CHOMSKY ON ANARCHISM However, all is not lost. Even though "the Viet-Cong strength in the countryside has made a 'quamum leap' from its position of early 1962," there is a compensating factor, namely, "the counterinsurgent military capability was revolutionized by substamial American troop inputs." This allows us emirely new options. For example, we can implement more effectively some of the "experiments with population and resources control methods" that were tried by the USOM and the National Police as early as 1961, though with little success. Given the new possibilities for "material and human resources control," we may even recapture some of the population-a serious maHer; "Given the enormous numbers of South Vietnamese citizens presently allied with the Viet-Cong (for whatever reason), rhe recovery of these peasants for the national cause must be made one of the central tasks of the pacification enterprise." If we are going to succeed in implementing "material and human resources comrol," we must moderate ARVN behavior somehow. Thus, according to an AID report of February 1965, "A high incidem rate of stealing, robbing, raping and obtaining free meals in the rural areas has nor endeared the popularion towards ARVN or Regional Forces." Nor did it improve maners when many civilians witnessed a case in which an ARVN company leader killed a draft dodger, disemboweled him, "took his hean and liver our and had them cooked at a restaurant," after which "the heart and liver were eaten by a number of soldiers." Such acts cause great difficulties, especially in trying to combat an enemy so vile as (Q practice "exemplary Communist behavior." 21 More generally, "the success of pacification requires that there be survivors to be pacified," and given "the sheer magnitude of American, Korean, Australian and indigenous Viemamese forces," which has so severely "strained the economic and social equilibrium of the nation," it is sometimes difficult to ensure this minimal condition. There are other problems, for example, "the difficulty of denying food to the enemy" in rhe Mekong Delta; "the hunger fo r land ownership," which, for some curious reason, is never satisfied by our friends in Saigon; the corruption; occasional bombing of the "wrong" village; the pervasive "Vier-Cong infiltration of military and civilian government organization"; the fact that when we relocate peasants to new hamlets, we often leave "the fox still in the henhouse," because of inadequate police methods; and so on. Still, we have a good "pacification theory," which involves three steps: "elimination of the Viet-Cong by search-and-destroy operations, protection and control of the population and its resources by police and military forces, and preparing and arming the peasants to defend their own communiries." If we rarely reach the third stage, this is because we have not yet learned to "share the sense of urgency of the revolutionary cause," or "to nourish these attitudes" among our "Vietnamese associates." Thus we understand that the "real revol u rion" is the one we are implementing, "in contrast to the artificially stimulated and controlled revolution of Diem and the Communists," but we have dif-
OBJECTIVITY AND LIBERAL SCHOLARSHIP ficulries in communicaring this fan w the Vietnamese peasant or w our "Vietnamese associates." What is needed, clearly, is better training for American officials, and of course, true national dedication w this humanitarian task. A grave defect in our society, this political scientist argues, is our tendency [Q avoid "an active American role in the fostering of democratic institutions abroad." The pacification program in Vietnam represents an attempt to meet our responsibility to foster democratic institutions abroad, through rational methods of material and human resources control. Refusal [Q dedicate ourselves to this task might be described as "a policy more selfish and timid than it was broad and enlightened"23 to use the terminology of an earlier day. When we strip away the terminology of the behavioral sciences, we see revealed, in such work as this, the mentality of the colonial civil servant, persuaded of the benevolence of the mother country and the correctness of its vision of world order, and convinced that he understands the true interests of the backward peoples whose welfare he is to administer. In fact, much of the scholarly work on Southeast Asian affairs reflects precisely this mentality. As an example, consider the August 1967 issue of Asian Survey, fully devoted to a Vietnam symposium in which a number of expens connibure their thoughts on the success of our enterprise and how it can be moved forward. 22 The introductory essay by Samuel Huntingwn, chairman of the depanment of government at Harvard, is entitled "Social Science and Vietnam." It emphasizes the need "w develop scholarly study and understanding of Vietnam" if our "involvement" is to sllcceed, and expresses his judgment that the papers in this volume "demonstrate that issues and wpics closely connected to policy can be presented and analyzed in scholarly and objective fashion." HuntingtOn's own contribution to "scholarly study and understanding of Vietnam" includes an article in the Boston Globe, February 17, 1968. Here he describes the "momentous changes in Vietnamese society during the past five years," specifically, the process of urbanization. This process "struck direcdy at the strength and potential appeal of the Viet Cong." "So long as the overwhelming mass of the people lived in the countryside, the VC could win the war by winning control of those people-and they came very close w doing so in both 1961 and 1964. But the American sponsored urban revolution undercut the VC rural revolution." The refugees fleeing from the rural areas found not only security bur also "prosperity and economic well-being." "While wanime urban prosperity hun some, the mass of the poor people benefitted from it." The sources of urbanization have been described clearly many times, for example, by this American spokesman in Vietnam: "There have been three choices open [Q the peasanny. One, [Q stay where they are; two, to move into the areas controlled by us; three, to move off into the interior towards the
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LRNGURGE FIND FREEDOM human spirit
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LRNGURGE FIND FREEDOM In every anim
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LRNGUAGE AND FREEDOM
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LRNGUAGE AND FREEDOM other facultie
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LRNGURGE FIND FREEDOM 1. 1. 4 deriv
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LRNGUAGE AND FREEDOM ty, or even in
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THREE NOTES ON ANARCHISM (1970) U8
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM through (he taki
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM 1. 22 shabby, an
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM meO( of a man, b
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM bourgeoisie. It
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM 1. 28 remarks by
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM NOTES This essay
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM 27 For discussio
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THE RElEVANCE OF ANARCHO-SYNDICALIS
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PREFACE TO ANTOLOGIJA ANARHIlMA
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PREFACE TO ANTOLOGIJA ANARHIlMA of
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CONTRINING THE THREAT OF DEMOCRACY
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CONTRINING THE THRERT OF DEMOCRACY
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SEVEN ANARCHISM , MARXISM AND HOPE
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RNRRCHISM, MRRXISM RND HOPE FOR THE
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EIGHT GOALS AND VISIONS (1996) In r
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GOALS AND VISIONS It should be adde
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GOALS AND VISIONS 1928 that "Labour
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GOALS AND VISIONS understand what l
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GOALS AND VISIONS 1. 98 assisted ma
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GOALS AND VISIONS Medicine cites th
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GOALS AND VISIONS 202 It is intrigu
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GOALS AND VISIONS power lies elsewh
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GOALS AND VISIONS Minnesota Press,
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NINE ANARCHISM, INTELLECTUALS AND T
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ANARCHISM, INTEllECTUALS FIND THE S
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ANARCHISM, INTEllECTUALS AND THE ST
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INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTEMRN I was
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INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTEMRN every
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INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTEMRN My son
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INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTE MRN reall
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INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTE MRN it-th
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ELEVEN INTERVIEW WITH ZIGA VOD OVN
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INTERVIEW WITH ZIGA VODOVNIK J thin
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INTERVIEW WITH ZIGA VODOVNIK onize
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INTERVIEW WITH ZIGA VODOVNIK What i
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