Chomsky on Anarchism.pdf - Zine Library

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CHOMSKY ON ANARCHISM This is what "we have learned in the past thirty years of intensive empirical study of contemporary societies." Pool is merely describing facts, not proposing policy. A corresponding version of the facts is familiar on the domestic scene: workers threaten the public order by striking fo r their demands, the impatience of the Negro community threatens the stability of the body politic. One can, of course, imagine another way in which order can be preserved in all such cases: namely, by meeting [he demands, or at the very least by removing the barriers that have been placed, by force which may be latent and disguised, in the way of attempts to sarisfy the "newly acquired aspirations." Bur this might mean that the wealthy and powerful would have to sacrifice some degree of privilege, and it is therefore excluded as a method for maintenance of order. Such proposals are likely to meet with little sympathy from Pool's new mandarins. From the doubly privileged position of the American scholar, the transcendent importance of order, stability, and nonviolence (by the oppressed) seems entirely ohvious; to others, the matter is not so simple. If we listen, we hear such voices as this, from an economist in India: It is disingenuous to invoke "democracy," "due process of law," "non-violence," to rationalise the absence of action. For meaningful concepts under such conditions become meaningless since, in reality, they justifY the relentless pervasive exploitation of the masses; at once a denial of democracy and a more sinister form of violence perpetrated on the overwhelming majority through contractual forms.21 Moderate American scholarship does not seem capable of comprehending these simple truths. It would he wrong to leave the impression that the ideology of the liberal imelligentsia translates itself into policy as a rain of cluster bombs and napalm. In fact, the liberal experts have been dismayed by the emphasis on military means in Vietnam and have consistenriy argued that the key to our effons should be social restructuring and economic assistance. Correspondingly, I think that we can perceive more clearly the attitudes that are crystallizing among the new mandarins by considering the technical studies of pacification, for example, the research monograph of William Nighswonger, cited earlier (see note 4). The author, now a professor of political science, was senior United States civilian representative of the Agency for International Developmem in Quang Nam Province from 1962 to 1964. fu:, he sees the situation, "the knotty problems of pacification are intricately intertwined with the issues of political development and they necessitate-at this time in history-intimate American involvement." Thus Americans must ask some "basic questions of value and obligation-questions that transcend the easy legalisms of 'selfdetermination' and 'nonintervention.'" These easy legal isms have little relevance to a world in which the West is challenged by "the sophisticated method- 19
OBJECTIVITY AND LIBERAL SCHOLARSHIP ology and quasi-religious motivation of Communist insurgency." It is our dmy, in the interest of democracy and freedom, to apply our expertise to these twin goals: " w isolate the enemy and desrroy his influence and control over the rural population, and to win the peasant's willing support through effective local administrarion and programs of rural improvement." "An underlying assumption is that insurgency ought to be defeated-for the sake of human rights .... " Despite the "remarkable achievements in economic and social development" in Russia and China, "The South Vietnamese peasant deserves something better," and we must give it w him-as we have in Latin America and the Philippines-even if this requires abandoning the easy legal isms of the past and intervening with military fo rce. Of course, it won't be easy. The enemy has enormous advamages. For one thing, "as in China, the insurgents in Vietnam have exploited the Confucian tenets of ethical rule both by their attacks on governmem corruption and by exemplary Communist behavior"; and "the Viet-Cong inherited, after Geneva, much of the popular support and sympathies previously attached to the Viet Minh in the Somh." After the fall of Diem, matters became still worse: " ... vast regions that had been under government control quickly came under the influence of the Viet-Cong." By late 1964 the pacification of Quang Nam Province had become "all but impossible," and the worst of it is that "the battle for Quang Nam was lost by the governmem to Viet-Cong forces recruited for the 20 most part from within the province."22 By 1966, the Vietcong seem so well emrenched in rural areas that "only a highly imaginative and comprehensive counterinsurgency campaign, with nearly perfect execution and substantial military support, would be capable of dislodging such a powerful and extensive insurgent apparatus." A major difficulty we face is [he "progressive social and economic results" shown by the Vietcong efforts. An AID report in March 1965 explains the problem. Comparing "our 'new life hamlets'" to the Vietcong hamlets, the report comments as fo llows: The basic differences are that the VC hamlets are well organized, clean, economically self supporting and have an active defense system. For example, a conage industry in one hamlet was as large as has been previously witnessed anywhere in Chuong Thien province. New canals are being dug and pineapples are under cultivation. The VC also have a relocation program for younger families. These areas coincide with the areas JUSt outside the planned GVN sphere of imeresL Unless the USOM/GVN accivicies exhibit a more qualitative basis [sic], there is little likelihood of changing the present anirudes of the people. For example, in one area only five kilometers from the province capital, the people refused medical assistance offered by ARVN medics.
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Page 4: CHOMSKY ON ANARCHISM PREFACE 5 INTR
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LRNGURGE FIND FREEDOM human spirit
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LRNGURGE FIND FREEDOM In every anim
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LRNGUAGE AND FREEDOM
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LRNGUAGE AND FREEDOM other facultie
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LRNGURGE FIND FREEDOM 1. 1. 4 deriv
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LRNGUAGE AND FREEDOM ty, or even in
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THREE NOTES ON ANARCHISM (1970) U8
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM through (he taki
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM 1. 22 shabby, an
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM meO( of a man, b
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM bourgeoisie. It
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM 1. 28 remarks by
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM NOTES This essay
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NOTES ON RNRRCHISM 27 For discussio
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THE RElEVANCE OF ANARCHO-SYNDICALIS
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PREFACE TO ANTOLOGIJA ANARHIlMA
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PREFACE TO ANTOLOGIJA ANARHIlMA of
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CONTRINING THE THREAT OF DEMOCRACY
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CONTRINING THE THRERT OF DEMOCRACY
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SEVEN ANARCHISM , MARXISM AND HOPE
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RNRRCHISM, MRRXISM RND HOPE FOR THE
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EIGHT GOALS AND VISIONS (1996) In r
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GOALS AND VISIONS It should be adde
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GOALS AND VISIONS 1928 that "Labour
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GOALS AND VISIONS understand what l
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GOALS AND VISIONS 1. 98 assisted ma
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GOALS AND VISIONS Medicine cites th
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GOALS AND VISIONS 202 It is intrigu
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GOALS AND VISIONS 204 can be attain
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GOALS AND VISIONS power lies elsewh
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GOALS AND VISIONS funds that serve
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GOALS AND VISIONS Minnesota Press,
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NINE ANARCHISM, INTELLECTUALS AND T
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ANARCHISM, INTEllECTUALS FIND THE S
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ANARCHISM, INTEllECTUALS FIND THE S
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ANARCHISM, INTEllECTUALS AND THE ST
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INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTEMRN I was
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INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTEMRN every
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INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTEMRN My son
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INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTE MRN reall
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INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTE MRN ing c
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INTERVIEW WITH BRRRY PRTE MRN it-th
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ELEVEN INTERVIEW WITH ZIGA VOD OVN
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INTERVIEW WITH ZIGA VODOVNIK J thin
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INTERVIEW WITH ZIGA VODOVNIK onize
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INTERVIEW WITH ZIGA VODOVNIK What i
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