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Chomsky on Anarchism.pdf - Zine Library

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FIVE<br />

PREFACE TO<br />

ANTOLOGIJA ANARHIZMA<br />

(1986)<br />

The anarchosyndicalist thinker Rudolf Rocker described modern anarchism as<br />

"the c<strong>on</strong>fluence of the two great currems, which during and since the French<br />

revoluti<strong>on</strong> have found such characteristic expressi<strong>on</strong> in the intellecnlal 1ife of<br />

Europe: Socialism and Liberalism." Corresp<strong>on</strong>dingly, the most c<strong>on</strong>structive<br />

elements of modern anarchism, both in theory and in practice, developed from<br />

a critique of liberal capitalism and of tendencies that depict themselves as<br />

socialist.<br />

The liberal ideals of the Enlightenment could be realized <strong>on</strong>ly in very partial<br />

and limited ways in the emerging capitalist order: "Democracy with its<br />

m<strong>on</strong>o of equality of all citizens before the law and Liberalism with its right of<br />

man over his own pers<strong>on</strong> both were wrecked <strong>on</strong> the realities of capitalist ec<strong>on</strong>omy,"<br />

Rocker correctly observed. Those who are compelled to rent themselves<br />

ro owner. of Glpir::ll in oreier ro sllfvive ::Ire ciepriveci of <strong>on</strong>e of The mmr funcbmental<br />

rights: the right to productive, creative and fulfilling work under <strong>on</strong>e's<br />

own c<strong>on</strong>trol, in solidarity with others. And under the ideological c<strong>on</strong>straints<br />

of capitalist democracy, the prime necessity is to satisfy the needs of those in a<br />

positi<strong>on</strong> to make investment decisi<strong>on</strong>s; if their demands are not satisfied, there<br />

will be no producti<strong>on</strong>, no work, no social services, no means for survival. All<br />

necessarily subordinate themselves and their interests to the overriding need to<br />

serve the interests of the owners and managers of the society, who, funhermore,<br />

with their c<strong>on</strong>trol over resources, are easily able to shape the ideological<br />

system (the media, schools, universities and so <strong>on</strong>) in their interests, to determine<br />

the basic c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s within which the political process will functi<strong>on</strong>, its<br />

parameters and basic agenda, and to call up<strong>on</strong> the resources of state violence,<br />

when need be, to suppress any challenge to entrenched power. The point was<br />

formulated succinctly in the early days of the liberal democratic revoluri<strong>on</strong>s by<br />

John Jay, the President of the C<strong>on</strong>tinental C<strong>on</strong>gress and the first Chief Justice<br />

of the United States Supreme Cour£: "The people who own the country ought<br />

to govern it." And, of course, they do, whatever political facti<strong>on</strong> may be in<br />

power. Matters could hardly be otherwise when ec<strong>on</strong>omic power is narrowly<br />

c<strong>on</strong>centrated and the basic decisi<strong>on</strong>s over the nature and character of life, the<br />

investment decisi<strong>on</strong>s, are in principle removed from democratic c<strong>on</strong>trol,<br />

Similarly, the principle of equality before the law can <strong>on</strong>ly be partially realized<br />

in capitalist democracy. The rule of law exists in varying degrees, but all<br />

149

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